52 pages • 1 hour read
Daron Acemoglu, James A. RobinsonA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
This chapter provides a contemporary examination of how extractive institutions continue to impede national progress. The chapter begins with an anecdote from Zimbabwe, where in January 2000 President Robert Mugabe, the authoritarian ruler since 1980, won a national lottery organized by a state-owned bank. This event exemplifies the deep-rooted extractive institutions in Zimbabwe, where the elite exploit resources for personal gain, leading to economic and social decay. Between Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980 and 2008, per capita income halved, accompanied by a complete collapse of basic public services and a soaring unemployment rate.
The roots of Zimbabwe’s and other African nations’ economic and political institutions can be traced to colonial times. In South Africa, for example, colonial powers established extractive institutions, which were then perpetuated by post-independence leaders. The chapter details the process of colonization in Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), highlighting the nation’s establishment of a dual economy and an apartheid state after gaining self-government in 1923.
After Zimbabwe gained independence in 1980, President Mugabe maintained the extractive economic institutions established by the white colonial regime, preventing the emergence of an independent African business class. This situation parallels what happened in Ghana in the 1960s. When Mugabe’s popularity waned, he intensified repression and land expropriations, leading to economic collapse and hyperinflation.
In other nations, similar patterns of extractive institutions led to state failure, economic stagnation, and even civil wars. The case of Sierra Leone, with its civil war from 1991 to 2001, is explored in detail to show how the collapse of state power and extractive institutions led to widespread violence and chaos.
The chapter examines countries outside Africa as well. Colombia struggles with paramilitary forces and political corruption, and President Karimov’s regime in Uzbekistan depends on forced labor, particularly in cotton harvesting. In Egypt, economic reforms and privatization benefited a connected elite, leading to a concentration of wealth and power.
The chapter concludes by asserting that nations fail due to extractive economic institutions supported by extractive political institutions. These systems concentrate wealth and power in the hands of a small elite, leading to widespread poverty and stagnation. The persistence of such institutions is explained by the “vicious circle” they create, which makes institutional reform challenging but not impossible. Nations must break away from these extractive institutions to embark on a path of economic growth and development.
Chapter 14 explores how different nations have managed to transition from extractive to more inclusive institutions, focusing on Botswana, the United States (specifically the South), and China.
The chapter recounts the journey of three Tswana chiefs who, in 1895, traveled to England to protect their territories from Cecil Rhodes and the British South Africa Company. Their successful negotiation with the British government for protection against Rhodes laid the foundation for the development of inclusive institutions in Botswana. The Tswana people had already developed a degree of political centralization and a form of primitive pluralism within their institutions, which were unique in sub-Saharan Africa. These institutions, combined with the chiefs’ efforts, enabled colonial Botswana to avoid the worst effects of colonization. When Botswana obtained independence in 1966, it was one of the world’s poorest countries, but it managed to establish inclusive political and economic institutions, leading to remarkable growth. Key figures like Seretse Khama and Quett Masire promoted inclusive policies, and the discovery of diamonds was managed for national benefit, not individual enrichment.
The chapter then shifts to the US South, focusing on the civil rights movement as a catalyst for institutional change. The story of Rosa Parks and the Montgomery Bus Boycott exemplifies the growing resistance to Jim Crow laws. This resistance, combined with federal government intervention, led to the dismantling of legally sanctioned racial segregation and voting restrictions. The chapter highlights how the empowerment of Black people in the South, supported by inclusive federal institutions, played a crucial role in transforming the region’s extractive institutions.
Finally, the chapter discusses China’s economic transformation after Mao Zedong’s death in 1976. Deng Xiaoping’s rise to power marked a shift from Mao’s highly extractive economic policies to more inclusive ones, although political control remained extractive under the Communist Party. The economic reforms initiated under Deng, particularly in agriculture and industry, led to significant economic growth. This transformation was contingent and not inevitable, as it depended on the outcome of power struggles within the Communist Party.
This chapter argues that the vast differences in living standards and economic prosperity across the world are not historically, geographically, culturally, or ethnically predetermined but are instead primarily caused by differences in political and economic institutions. The chapter focuses on the distinction between extractive and inclusive institutions to explain why some nations are prosperous while others are poor.
Inclusive economic and political institutions are necessary for prosperity because they enforce property rights, create a level playing field, and encourage investments in new technologies and skills, driving economic growth. By contrast, extractive economic institutions are designed to transfer resources from the many to the few, and they do not protect property rights or provide incentives for economic activity. Extractive economic institutions are often supported by extractive political institutions that concentrate power in the hands of a small elite, who then use resources to maintain their political power.
Extractive institutions can generate growth, but they also generate political instability and discourage innovation, rendering economic growth unsustainable. While extractive institutions create a vicious cycle of poverty and power concentration, inclusive institutions generate a virtuous circle of prosperity and empowerment.
The chapter examines the historical origins of extractive institutions, arguing that critical junctures such as major events or technological breakthroughs interact with existing institutions to create divergent paths for nations. It cites examples including the Black Death in Europe, the opening of Atlantic trade routes, and the Industrial Revolution as such critical junctures.
The chapter also critiques the effectiveness of foreign aid and policy recommendations based on the “ignorance hypothesis,” which assumes that poverty results from a lack of knowledge about good economic policies. The chapter argues that the main obstacle to adopting growth-inducing policies is not ignorance but the incentives and constraints placed by the existing political and economic institutions.
The chapter concludes by discussing the role of empowerment in creating inclusive institutions. It highlights how broad coalitions of diverse social groups, civil society, and a free media can drive the transition from extractive to inclusive institutions. Brazil’s transition from military rule to democracy is an example of successful empowerment and institution building. There is no simple recipe for building inclusive institutions, but understanding their importance is crucial for addressing global inequality and poverty.
Chapter 13 serves as a contemporary illustration of both The Role of Institutions in Economic Development and The Impact of Political Systems on National Prosperity. The chapter begins with the story of post-colonial Zimbabwe, showing how extractive institutions continue to obstruct national progress in the present day. Under Mugabe’s rule, the elite exploit resources for personal gain, preventing the country from embarking on a path of economic growth and prosperity. The book then extends this narrative to other African nations, Colombia, and Uzbekistan. The synthesis of these narratives with economic theory underscores the persistence of extractive institutions and the challenges they pose in fostering national prosperity.
Chapter 14 examines the transition from extractive to more inclusive institutions in diverse contexts including Botswana, the US South, and China. The chapter highlights Deng Xiaoping’s pragmatic approach to policymaking with his quote: “No matter whether the cat is black or white, if it catches mice, it’s a good cat” (422). This statement marks a departure from the rigid ideological stance of Mao’s era, signaling China’s readiness to embrace practical solutions for economic growth. The chapter’s narrative interweaves historical events and political changes, using literary devices to enhance the persuasive power of its arguments. For instance, the story of three Tswana chiefs negotiating with the British government is used metaphorically to illustrate Botswana’s unique path to inclusive institutions. Similarly, the civil rights movement in the US South and China’s economic reforms under Deng Xiaoping are presented as metaphors for the transformative power of inclusive institutions in driving economic development.
Chapter 15 posits a comprehensive theory to explain global economic disparities, asserting that differences in living standards and economic prosperity are not predetermined but are primarily due to political and economic institutions. The chapter employs a range of literary and rhetorical strategies, including the use of metaphor and analogy, to illustrate the dichotomy between extractive and inclusive institutions. The chapter synthesizes historical events, such as the Black Death and the Industrial Revolution, to demonstrate how these critical junctures, interacting with pre-existing institutions, can lead to divergent paths for nations. This synthesis contributes to the overarching argument that inclusive institutions are vital for national prosperity.
While the book’s argument is comprehensive, it is important to acknowledge the existence of alternative perspectives that challenge some of its central assertions. Critics argue that the binary categorization of institutions as solely inclusive or extractive may oversimplify the complex nature of historical and economic processes. This broader perspective invites a more nuanced understanding of economic development, suggesting that a multiplicity of factors, including geopolitical dynamics, cultural influences, and technological advancements, might also play significant roles in shaping a nation’s economic destiny.
This work, published in 2012, continues to resonate with contemporary global dynamics. The rise of digital economies, the impact of globalization, and the ongoing challenges of income inequality and climate change are all arenas where the interplay of political and economic institutions continues to shape outcomes. The book’s thesis offers a valuable lens through which to view the complexities of today’s global economic landscape.