Why Are All the Black Kids Sitting Together in the Cafeteria?: And Other Conversations About Race

Psychologists William and Binta Cross view racial identity as inextricably tied to a person’s ethnic and cultural identity as well, known as the racial-ethnic-cultural (REC) identity model. Prior to puberty, a young Black person has not yet undertaken an examination of their REC identity. But as they reach adolescence, their REC group membership becomes increasingly salient to them because “the world begins to reflect their Blackness back to them more clearly” (135). In comparison to their White peers, young Black people are more likely to think of themselves in terms of race because that is how others think of them.

This new awareness of their REC identity tends to be triggered by an event, or a series of smaller events, in which adolescents are forced to acknowledge racism and how it affects them. Tatum gives the example of Malcolm X, who told his junior high school teacher that he wanted to be a lawyer when he grew up. His teacher told him that it wasn’t a “realistic goal for a nigger” (139) and to consider carpentry instead. While teachers today are not likely to use the n-word, Black youth continue to receive similar messages. A male Black student recalls a teacher telling him to consider going to community college, despite recommending four-year colleges to the other students in the class. A young Black woman was told by a well-intentioned teacher that she should attend the school dance, because “you people love to dance” (140). Over half of adolescents of color have been targeted by racist attacks online. At racially mixed schools, Black students are far more likely to be placed in less rigorous classes than their White peers even when they achieve similar scores on standardized tests. All of these experiences send a message that the world devalues Blackness.

As Black adolescents become aware of the systematic devaluation and exclusion of Black people, some of them develop an oppositional social identity, which “protects one’s identity from the psychological assault of racism and keeps the dominant group at a distance” (143). “Acting White” is viewed negatively, while anything “authentically Black” is valued. At schools where advanced classes are disproportionately White, academic success is often seen as a “White” behavior. Academically successful Black students may be rejected as “not really Black” by their Black peers, while at the same time they struggle to fit in with their White classmates. They may try to become “raceless,” in which they de-emphasize their Blackness in order to be accepted. Others adopt an “emissary” identity, in which they see their own successes as successes for all Black people. However, many Black students may feel pressured to always perform well at school due to a condition known as stereotype threat, in which they feel threatened by the thought of inadvertently confirming a negative stereotype, such as the stereotype of Black people being intellectually inferior. This added pressure can end up hindering their academic performance.

So why do the Black kids tend to sit together in the cafeteria? Because their experiences with racism cause them to seek support from people who can understand what they’ve gone through. While it’s important to have a supportive peer group, adults can also play a vital role in supporting Black adolescents. At one middle school in Massachusetts, the school administration set up group meetings for Black students to attend, at which they could talk with teachers about the racial and personal issues that were impeding their academic performance. To lessen the impact of stereotype threat, teachers can communicate to their Black students that they have high expectations for them, and that they also believe that they can meet those expectations. They can promote a view of intelligence as malleable and changeable over time, something that can be improved with effort. Both family members and teachers can actively seek to educate themselves about Black achievements and pass on what they learn to the next generation. Students are less likely to associate academic success with Whiteness if they have Black role models who can help them to “expand their definition of what it means to be Black” (151).

When she attended college, Tatum’s social circle consisted of fellow Black students. She took classes on African American history and culture, she stopped straightening her hair, and she sat at the Black table in the dining hall. Many other Black college students go through a similar exploration of their REC identity, during which time they unlearn many of the negative stereotypes they had internalized, while affirming a positive sense of Black identity. At predominantly White universities, Black student unions and cultural centers provide safe spaces where students can feel socially connected and seek support when they are targeted by racism on campus. This period of exploration often involves turning inward—away from dominant group, such that Tatum rarely thought much about White people during her college years—but the individual is often left with a willingness to reach across group boundaries. Identity development involves isolating and exploring a single dimension of who we are, and then reintegrating it into the rest of our identity. This is a process that continues throughout our lives, making us “works in progress for a lifetime” (179).

This process of identity development does not just happen on college campuses. Malcolm X undertook an examination of Black identity while in prison, which included becoming a member of the Nation of Islam (which he later left). The Nation of Islam has offered numerous Black men a positive definition of Blackness, while Black women come together and create positive identities in churches, sororities, and other communities. However, Tatum emphasizes that not all Black adults experience identity development the same way. Some may never actively explore their REC identity. Some may focus more on another dimension of their identity, such as their gender or their religion. Some may adopt a “raceless” persona as they try to conform to White culture. Some may speak openly about racial issues and are race-conscious when raising their children.

Even in corporate cafeterias, Black people can often be seen sitting together, since adults also need to connect with people who share similar experiences. But why do White people ask this question at all? Why do they focus on the group of Black people sitting together? In predominantly White settings, Black people stand out. No one would remark on a group of White people sitting together in the cafeteria, but when Black people do so, White people take notice. They become self-conscious about their race and may worry that they are being excluded, but meanwhile many of them are unaware of how stressful it is to be a member of an underrepresented group. Some companies have made an effort to organize opportunities for marginalized groups—such as people of color, women, people with disabilities, and LGBTQ individuals—to come together and provide each other with some much-needed support.