Tyranny of the Minority: Why American Democracy Reached the Breaking Point

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2023

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Summary

Background

Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Introduction

Chapters 1-2

Chapters 3-4

Chapters 5-6

Chapters 7-8

Key Figures

Themes

Symbols & Motifs

Important Quotes

Essay Topics

Tools

Beta

Discussion Questions

Chapters 7-8Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 7 Summary: “America the Outlier”

Early democracies across western countries created excessive counter-majoritarian institutions to protect minority rights over majority rule. The US appeared to be one of the most democratic of these countries. Over the course of the 20th century, however, non-US countries, including Norway, New Zealand, Finland, and Australia, reformed their counter-majoritarian institutions, giving power back to majorities.

These reforms focused on five areas. First, they repealed restrictions on voting. Second, they removed indirect elections. Third, they reformed electoral systems, “or the rules that govern how votes are translated into representation” (205). Many countries eliminated the winner-take-all system, replacing it with proportional representation. Fourth, the reforms removed the undemocratic elements of legislative bodies, including abolishing aristocratic chambers and making them more representative. Many democratic countries during this time also limited minority obstruction during the legislative process, establishing a procedure called “cloture.” Cloture allows majorities to end debates. Thus, filibusters and supermajorities can no longer kill legislation with these reforms. Finally, democracies have also reformed the judicial system, including adopting mandatory retirement age or term-limits for high court justices. Levitsky and Ziblatt underscore that “eliminating counter-majoritarianism helped give rise to modern democracy” (213).

The US took some steps to reform its counter-majoritarian institutions in the 20th century. It repealed voting restrictions, providing universal suffrage (the 1965 Voting Rights Act). It also partially democratized the US Senate by mandating that senators are elected through popular elections. Legislative elections also became fairer through a series of Supreme Court rulings. The last spurt of constitutional reforms occurred between 1960-early 1970, including giving Washington, DC residents the right to vote, prohibiting poll taxes, and lowering the voting age to 18.

While these reforms made the US more democratic, they did not go as far as other democratic countries. Americans remain unable to reform their most problematic institutions, including the Electoral College and the US Constitution. Levitsky and Ziblatt conclude by further highlighting that counter-majoritarian institutions are not just a historical curiosity, but “endanger our democracy by protecting and empowering an authoritarian partisan minority” (223).

Chapter 8 Summary: “Democratizing Our Democracy”

The authors begin this chapter by pointing to three ways in which democracies in the past have confronted authoritarian assaults. First is a containment strategy, in which democratic-minded forces create a coalition to isolate and defeat antidemocratic forces. Some American politicians used this strategy during Trump’s presidency and in state legislatures during the 2022 midterms.

Military or defensive democracy represents the second strategy. Here, governments can use their authority and law to “exclude and aggressively prosecute antidemocratic forces” (228). Post-WWII West Germany implemented this strategy. The Fourteenth Amendment in the US Constitution also prohibits insurrectionists from holding office, although the US has rarely used this tool prior to 2023.The authors underscore that democracies must penalize presidents and prime ministers who have committed serious crimes to show no one is above the law.

The first and second strategy represent short-term fixes. However, the authors point to a final strategy that represents a long-term solution: reform counter-majoritarian institutions. In the case of the US, this “means dismantling spheres of undue minority protection and empowering majorities at all levels of government” (230).

The authors propose three broad areas of reform. First, Levitsky and Ziblatt believe the US needs to uphold voting rights. Currently, the constitution does not recognize the right to vote. Similarly, there are no federal laws granting Americans their right to suffrage. Second, the authors emphasize that election outcomes need to reflect majority preferences: Candidates who lose the popular vote should not be allowed to win elections. Finally, Levitsky and Ziblatt argue that American political institutions must empower majorities. To do this, Americans need to weaken their counter-majoritarian institutions.

Reforms are not enough. Instead, these reforms must become part of the country’s national political discourse. The authors remain hopeful that the US can reform its counter-majoritarian institutions. They believe that Americans can learn from their past attempts at democratic reforms. First, changes require robust political movements rather than a single transformative leader. Second, reforms require constant political pressure. Citizen activism can help shift the balance of political and social power on an issue. Political leaders will often not embrace reform until it is in their best political interests to do so. Third, successful movements take a long time and experience setbacks, as exemplified by the women’s suffrage movement. Finally, reforms that begin at the state level make it more difficult to reform the US Constitution.

Chapters 7-8 Analysis

In the final two chapters, Levitsky and Ziblatt hope to raise the alarm about the state of American democracy but also encourage Americans to abandon their malaise and embrace The Importance of Reform. The US is trying to construct a multiracial democracy and the world is once again watching. While previous efforts to do so have failed, the authors provide details regarding in what ways American institutions need to be reformed and how Americans might go about doing this.

In Chapter 7, they focus on how other democratic countries have shored up their democratic institutions to show American readers that it is possible. Norway is an especially illuminating example. Norway is also one of the oldest democratic countries in the world (the US predates it). Its founding fathers, like those in the US, did not truly understand modern democracy. As a result, its political system contained many undemocratic features, including a rural bias. However, unlike the US, Norway continued to democratize for 200 years. It reformed these undemocratic features, making the country one of the most democratic in the world.

While reforms have proved exceedingly difficult in the US, especially in recent years, the authors believe that Americans should not give up hope. In Chapter 8, they explore The Importance of Reform in more detail. Their reforms fall into three broad areas. Within the first, they suggest there are seven steps Americans can take to uphold voting rights. Examples include making Election Day on a Sunday or a national holiday so all Americans can vote regardless of work responsibilities (Step 4), and restoring national-level voting rights protections (Step 6). The authors suggest 5 steps for ensuring that election outcomes reflect popular votes. As one example, Step 8 includes replacing the Electoral College with a national popular vote. Within the third area, Levitsky and Ziblatt propose three steps to empower majorities to govern. Examples include getting rid of the Senate filibuster (Step 13) and making it easier to amend the Constitution (Step 15). All 15 steps are outlined in the Themes section (See: The Importance of Reform).

The authors derive these steps from how other democratic countries have strengthened their democracies. Doing so provides a template for what has worked elsewhere. However, some critics call into question whether these reforms are possible in the US, given prior failed attempts. As one example, the US Senate has tried 11,848 times to amend the US Constitution. Of these attempts, only 27 have been successful. Critics wished the authors had tried to be more creative and even radical in their suggestions. The authors do counter this criticism by showing that reforms often take a long time and have a number of setbacks. To Levitsky and Ziblatt, it is more important for the American people to get involved. They argue that Americans have stood up for their democratic ideals throughout history. They claim that history now calls again. The authors emphasize that Americans cannot turn away from civic activism due to exhaustion, as the future of democracy depends on engaged citizens.