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Virginia WoolfA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
The third and final part of Three Guineas continues Woolf’s correspondence with the unnamed letter sender. Here, she takes on the man’s three suggestions for preventing war: that there should be a manifesto to “protect cultural and intellectual liberty” (79); that people should join a society devoted to peace; and that people should donate money to anti-war societies that need funds.
Woolf considers the idea of protecting cultural and intellectual liberty to be “rather abstract” (79) and surprising. A man asking women to do this, she suggests, is like a duke asking a maid to “construe this rather difficult passage in Pindar” (79). Women, she says, have spent centuries contributing to the cause of culture and intellectual liberty, having contributed to patriarchal institutions such as Oxford and Cambridge. Furthermore, why should women perpetuate the existence of these institutions when they are denied entry on equal terms? But still, Woolf argues, “any kitchen maid would attempt to construe a passage in Pindar if told that her life depended on it, so the daughters of educated men […] must consider what they can do to protect culture and intellectual liberty if by so doing they can help you to prevent war” (81).
Rather than helping to preserve the current state of cultural and intellectual liberty, Woolf suggests instead that women should protect their own cultural and intellectual liberty. Literature, she notes, seems to be the one profession that has not fought to exclude women.
Woolf defines culture as “the disinterested pursuit of reading and writing the English language” (84) and intellectual liberty as “the right to say or write what you think in your own words, and in your own way” (84). But it would be difficult, using these definitions, to suggest that war could be prevented by protecting culture and intellectual liberty. As evidence, she points to a Mrs. Oliphant, who wrote a great deal of novels, reviews, and articles. In doing so, Woolf argues, she “sold her brain, her very admirable brain, prostituted her culture and enslaved her intellectual liberty in order that she might earn her living and educate her children” (85). If this is disinterested literature, then asking women to sign the manifesto would be like asking a bar owner to advocate for temperance.
If the manifesto cannot be signed by women who depend on a wage to survive, Woolf wonders, could it be signed by those who “have enough to live upon” (86) and who “read and write your own language for your own pleasure” (86)? She then warns against the “adultery of the brain” (86)—i.e., those who write “at the command of another person what you do not want to write for the sake of money” (86)—but admits that the only value of not doing this is to “protect cultural and intellectual liberty” (87), a “rather abstract” concept (87). Woolf reasons that this is not an agreeable tradeoff.
Woolf describes a theoretical daughter of an educated man and examines the “products of that reading and writing which lie upon her own table” (88). The woman reads several newspapers every week to give herself a balanced account of the facts. As is the case with literature, the woman suggests, “you have to strip each statement of its money motive, of its power motive, of its advertisement motive, of its publicity motive, of its vanity motive, let alone of all the other motives which, as an educated man’s daughter, are familiar to you, before you make up your mind which fact about politics to believe, or even which opinion about art” (89).
This pursuit of truth could be useful in preventing war, as “if we knew the truth about war, the glory of war would be scotched and crushed” (89). Thus, the daughters of educated men, who have enough money and do not “prostitute culture,” can be asked to help in the prevention of war through literary means.
But how could a woman “put her opinion into practice” (90) and do more than just sign a manifesto? Woolf suggests writing directly for a wider audience and finding “new ways of approaching ‘the public’” (90).
At the same time, the hypothetical woman should distance herself from “passive methods of protecting culture and intellectual liberty” (91), abstaining from writing or reading “at the command of another” (91). Woolf recommends only signing the correspondent’s manifesto if she can abide by these terms.
Next, she moves on to the correspondent’s second point: that she should “subscribe to the funds of your society” (92). She begins by asking him about the aims of his society and wonders whether she can impose terms on him, as she did to the treasurer. The aim, “broadly speaking” (92), is to prevent war, which will be achieved by opposing dictators, promoting democratic ideals of equal opportunity, and protecting the rights of the individual. If those are the ideals, Woolf says, she will give her guinea freely to the cause.
But, she points out, it is important to note what ‘free’ means. The donation has no requirements or conditions, “because the one right of paramount importance to all human beings is already won” (93): “the right to earn a living” (93). Now, the daughter of an educated man can earn money and donate it to her brother’s cause, without having to attach conditions. This event is so momentous, Woolf recommends a massive celebration should take place. The celebration is also for the death of the word ‘feminist’; as that most important right has been won, the word is obsolete. This victory, she suggests, is the same victory that the correspondent seeks, as they are “fighting the same enemy” (94). But the fight is not yet won, she concedes, whether against the patriarchy, fascism, or dictators.
Woolf now turns to the correspondent’s final point: that people should join anti-war societies. On the surface, it seems a simple request. But it is not so easy. Woolf places the unsigned membership form to the side while she discusses the difficulties of joining such a society.
She begins by distinguishing between a society and an individual. She asks, “is there not something in the conglomeration of people into societies that releases what is most selfish and violent, least rational and humane in the individuals themselves?” (96). Societies are different for men and women; they help perpetuate the patriarchy. If women were to join male societies, they would “merge [their] identity in yours” (97). Woolf believes she can achieve more outside the society than within it.
Woolf then postulates on what kind of alternative society she might form. Such a society would need no funds, it would have no committee or secretary, and it would hold no meetings or conferences. It might be called the “Outsiders’ Society” (97) and would consist of the daughters of educated men, “working in their own class […] for liberty, equality and peace” (97).
In the event of war, this society would refuse to take part, nor would its members “incite their brothers to fight” (98); rather, it would “maintain an attitude of complete indifference” (98). If a man says he is fighting for his country, the society member might ask what “our country” (98) actually means, as reflection would convince her that “her sex and class has very little to thank England for in the past; not much to thank England for in the present; while the security of her person in the future is highly dubious” (99). “Our country,” the woman might decide, “has treated me as a slave” (99). This definition of indifference will lead to certain actions. It will prohibit the woman from any displays of patriotism or militarism, for instance, or any acknowledgment of war at all.
In addition, members of the society should commit to earning their own living. Woolf outlines the importance of the state paying a wage to mothers and married women, which would afford them an economic freedom and benefit the state. Not only would the outsiders commit to earning their own living, but they would earn their living “so expertly that their refusal to earn them would be a matter of concern to the work master” (102), by becoming masters of their chosen trade and making themselves indispensable. They would commit to “practice their profession experimentally” (102) and reveal “tyranny or abuse” (102) in their professions. They would also “remain outside” (102) any profession that was hostile to freedom, including weapons manufacture. The members would also scrutinize societies and reveal its hypocrisies.
The Society of Outsiders would have the same aims as the correspondent’s society but would pursue them in a different way. The correspondent’s society is inside the mainstream, while Woolf’s is outside of it. Society members would reject traditional notions of aesthetics and beauty and work towards new definitions of these concepts, in opposition to existing fascist ideas. She compares mainstream society to a rabbit caught in the headlights of a car: frozen with fear and unable to move. The changes she proposes will happen necessarily in the darkness, away from the spotlight.
Part 3 is different in a few key ways. First, Woolf finally addresses the points of the unnamed male correspondent’s letter. Thus far, she has circled around his central issue—the prevention of war—without directly addressing the provisions he suggests in his initial communication. Instead, she has written hypothetical letters to two other people and held a hypothetical trial. At this point, she begins to take on his ideas explicitly.
She has the foundation to do this here precisely because she has spent the previous two parts carefully assembling an argument about the differences in the ways in which men and women experience and perceive the world. The three suggestions the man provides to Woolf seem, on the surface, to be fairly agreeable, if somewhat tame. But Woolf dismantles his suggestions one at a time, illustrating that they are part of the very construct that both sidelines women in society and makes war inevitable.
Additionally, the opening to the third part contains the first real instance of proscriptive, rather than simply diagnostic, language. Thus far, Woolf has detailed the exact ways in which women are distanced from the professions and how they are limited in their attempts to hold power. In suggesting the creation of the Society of Outsiders, Woolf now proposes a radical solution, rather than simply donating to an existing institution or offering advice. Her Society of Outsiders is different not only in a gender sense but in the entire way it conceives economic, artistic, and societal matters. Woolf is proposing a radical shift, which she acknowledges by saying that she will likely have to work in the darkness. For the first time in the book, she is telling her male correspondent not just why his provisions are incorrect but exactly how to correct them.
By Virginia Woolf