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David EpsteinA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Epstein takes the reader to Jamaica with scientist Yannis Pitsiladis, who, despite fundraising obstacles, dedicates his life to one goal: “untangling the factors, genetic and environmental, that have made a tiny island of three million into the world’s sprint factory” (159).
Many of the world’s elite sprinters come from Trelawny, a parish in the Jamaican northwest—also called Jamaica’s Cockpit Country. The unique cliff-filled topography once enabled enslaved people—many of them from “ethnic groups expert in warfare” from modern-day Ghana and Nigeria (164)—to escape there and form their own communities. In 1738, the Maroons (as they were called) triumphed over the British army and established their government. Today, many of the world’s fastest sprinters—including Usain Bolt and Veronica Campbell-Brown—come from this region.
One theory of Jamaican dominance in sprinting holds that the enslaved people who ended up in Cockpit Country were some of the best and strongest warriors, captured in Africa by rival communities and sold to Europeans as the “strongest and fittest” slaves (165). The Maroons would have been made up of only those individuals who survived the harsh trip across the Atlantic, the escape to Cockpit Country, and the military confrontations with colonizers. Therefore, one popular theory in Jamaica is that sprinters are descendant from this supremely strong and fit group of people and carry certain genetic advantages for sports.
Pitsiladis rejects this theory. Research in Jamaican genetics reveals “an array of West African lineages” (167), and it suggests that “neither the Maroons nor Jamaicans overall constitute any sort of isolated monolithic genetic unit. Rather […], Jamaicans are highly genetically diverse” (168). Furthermore, “scientists have located only a very small number of the relevant genes” for sprinting (168), and the total global pool of Olympic-level sprinters is too small a sample size for definitive research findings.
Pitsiladis instead believes the Jamaican dominance in sprinting is owed to cultural factors. The national high school track-and-field championship called Champs, for example, is prestigious and massively popular. Jamaican sprinters are treated like national celebrities or heroes. A booster culture, similar to that surrounding football in the United States, exists to scout and develop promising young runners. According to Pitsiladis, almost every Jamaican child is encouraged to try sprinting, and unlike in the United States, other sports like basketball and football don’t compete with track-and-field for top running talent. In the United States, Epstein argues, top sprinters on par with Jamaican athletes leave track-and-field for the more lucrative sports of football and basketball.
Chapter 11 explores a theory about the dominance of Jamaican sprinters that runs counter to the one put forth in Chapter 10. Scientist Erol Morrison connects sprinting ability with genetic variants that protect against malaria, specifically in western Africa, where malaria is (and was, at the time of the slave trade) rampant. Morrison’s theory relies on research from friend and fellow researcher Patrick Cooper, who “documented the fact that athletes with western African heritage become highly overrepresented in sprint and power sports almost immediately once they are allowed a fraction of their white counterparts’ access to sports” and set out to explain this phenomenon (176).
Two traits common to people with “recent sub-Saharan ancestry in west or central Africa" became relevant in Cooper’s research (177). One is the sickle-cell trait, which refers to “a mutation that causes round red blood cells to curl up in a sickle shape in the absence of oxygen, potentially impairing blood flow through the body during vigorous exercise” (177). Sickle-cell carriers are “genetically disadvantaged for long-distance sports” (177). Genetically low levels of hemoglobin, also common in people with recent sub-Saharan ancestry, also constitute a “disadvantage for endurance sports” (178). Cooper successfully argued “that sickle-cell trait and low hemoglobin are evolutionary adaptations to malaria” (180).
Cooper then searched for a “compensatory mechanism” in healthy athletes with these traits. He consulted research on a study of non-athlete students in western Africa that showed that “a higher proportion of muscle in the African students was composed of fast-twitch muscle fibers, and a lower proportion was slow-twitch muscle fibers compared with white students” (179). The conclusion was that western Africans “are, in terms of skeletal muscle characteristics, well endowed for sports of short duration” (179).
It is unknown and relatively untested, however, whether low hemoglobin was an evolutionary precursor to a higher proportion of fast-twitch fibers. Many scientists resist this type of research for fear that findings suggesting a certain ethnic group has a physical advantage over another would be socially problematic. Epstein cites Cooper in saying: “The concept that physical superiority could somehow be a symptom of intellectual inferiority only developed when physical superiority became associated with African Americans” in 1936 (185).
This chapter begins with a profile of KenSAP, the Kenya Scholar-Athlete Project, and its founder, John Manners. With KenSAP, Manners identifies academically high-scoring Kenyan high school students and has them run a timed trial of a 1500-meter race. He then selects the fastest students—many of them without prior training—and assists them in applying to American universities, soliciting admissions recommendations from prospective coaches.
KenSAP exists because Kenya is known for producing elite long-distance runners. Epstein focuses on the Kalenjin tribe, a population living in Kenya’s Rift Valley who “represent about 12 percent of Kenya’s population, but more than three quarters of the country’s top runners” (190). One theory Manners once put forth was one of artificial selection, in which ancestral members of the Kalenjin tribe participated in cattle-raiding, a practice that involved taking cattle from other tribes, traveling long distances, and reaping social rewards (like status and wives). Descendants of the best cattle-raiders, the theory holds, would carry genetic advantages in distance running.
Epstein lists anecdotes of Kalenjin runners who rose to prominence on the world stage of long-distance running despite backgrounds that wouldn’t suggest that path. Manners believes “the proportion of people who will become extremely fast middle-and long-distance runners extremely quickly upon training is significantly higher among the Kalenjin” than it is among other Kenyan tribes or other people around the world (192). However, Epstein suggests that “stumbling upon hidden distance running talent is not exclusive to Kenya” (194-95), and he argues that “the very systematizing of the process by which talent is stumbled upon makes it less like stumbling and more like tactical filtering” (195).
Scientists who studied Kalenjin and Danish boys found that the physiological advantages Kalenjin boys have are longer legs and, perhaps more influentially, thinner legs all the way down. Because the leg works like a pendulum, the less weight there is at the bottom (distal weight), the less energy it takes to swing the leg. As Epstein says, “when they were using the same proportion of their oxygen-varying capacity, the Kenyans were going faster for that same effort” (198).
Kalenjins possess an “extreme of a slender body build” (199) known as Nilotic build, referring to populations from the Nile Valley. This body type, therefore, isn’t unique to the Kalenjins, whose ancestors came from southern Sudan before migrating north to modern Kenya. As Epstein notes, however, “long-distance runners from Sudan are almost absent from international competition” (199). Epstein, and the athletes and journalists he spoke to, explains this in terms of sociocultural causes: discrimination within Sudan (now South Sudan) against athletes from the south, and a near-50-year civil war that left “no sports culture or infrastructure whatsoever in southern Sudan” (200). Epstein embarks on an unofficial study of his own on the “‘Lost Boys of Sudan’ […] who fled the violence that engulfed their homes” (200), 3,600 of whom settled in the United States in the year 2000. From this group came several distance runners who won titles in college tournaments and beyond.
One statistician posits that “80 out of every 1 million Kenyan men have world-class running talent, compared with about 1 out of every 20 million men in the rest of the world” (201), but Epstein argues that these projections “do not shed much light on whether the natural gifts required for world-class running are more prevalent among Kenyans” (202). He presents data that shows that other countries, once powerhouses in distance running, have produced fewer world-class runners in the last few decades as those countries have grown “increasingly wealthy, increasingly overweight, increasingly interested in other sports, and increasingly less likely to train seriously in distance running” (202).
Epstein opens Chapter 13 with a story about a Kenyan 24-year-old named Evans Kiplagat who trains in long-distance running in the hopes of rising out of poverty. In Kenya, the average income is so low that elite runners who bring home prizes can “become one man or one woman economies” (206). As Epstein puts it, “the result of these economic incentives is an army of aspiring runners who undertake training plans fit for Olympians” (206).
Yannis Pitsiladis, the researcher from Chapter 10 who studies the DNA of elite runners, has found something in common amongst professional runners from Kenya: “81 percent […] had to run or walk a considerable distance to and from primary school as children” (207). The Oromos in Ethiopia, who also produce top runners, are another “traditionally pastoralist ethnic group” (208). As Epstein says, a childhood spent running is not necessary or sufficient to become an elite runner, but in a culture in which it’s common for children to run, those with genetic advantages will emerge. Pitsiladis calls it a “socioeconomic phenomenon.”
Pitsiladis also believes Kenya’s high altitude plays a role in Kenyan sprinting dominance. Research into populations with ancestries at high altitudes—in the Andes and Himalayas, for example—reveals that different populations developed different genetic adaptations for survival at high altitudes, and not every adaptation is suited for running. Experts theorize that there’s a “sweet spot” for altitudinous training for athletes, and Kenya and Ethiopia occupy that sweet spot. Epstein concludes that “a helpful combination, perhaps, is to have sea-level ancestry—so that hemoglobin can elevate quickly upon training at altitude—but to be born at altitude, in order to develop lung surface area, and then to live and train in the sweet spot. This is exactly the story of legions of Kalenjin Kenyans and Oromo Ethiopians” (215). It’s also the story of American runner Anthony Sandoval, whose running journey Epstein profiles in detail and who is said to resemble Kenyans in his physiology.
Epstein closes by saying, “just as it is tough to find genes for height—even though we know they exist—it is extraordinarily difficult to pin down genes for even one physiological factor involved in running, let alone all of them” (222).
In Chapter 10, Epstein travels with Yannis Pitsiladis to Jamaica and tells the story of Pitsiladis’s research in present tense, offering a detailed profile of a geographical region and the history of enslaved people that departs stylistically from the previous chapters in order to bring this one corner of the world into stark relief. He sets up the question about Jamaican sprinters and their potential genetic signatures as a debate between two experts, one (Pitsiladis) whom we hear from in this chapter, and one whom we’ll hear from in the next. Epstein presents a detailed historical account of the Trelawny parish, home to many of the world’s fastest runners, devoting time to a theory based on the idea that the descendants of the strongest, fittest enslaved people are the ancestors of the modern world’s fastest runners. Epstein presents this theory only to debunk it later in the chapter, offering a second theory that has more to do with how track-and-field fits into Jamaican culture than with genes. Two themes are at play here: the debate between environmental and genetic factors, and the impact of a country’s culture on its athletes.
Chapter 11 responds to the claims in Chapter 10 by proposing a different theory about Jamaican sprinting dominance. This theory is one based on genes, not environmental factors, and holds that western Africans developed low hemoglobin and sickle-cell trait to counteract the dangers of malaria, a particular threat on the West African coast. But the part of the theory that connects low hemoglobin to high performance in sprinting remains unsubstantiated. Epstein explains that research in this area dropped off after the main proponent of these studies, Patrick Cooper, died, and that scientists are hesitant to take up this inquiry for reasons of social taboo. Epstein disagrees with the idea that studies in athletic exceptionalism are simply about race, dismissing the notion that physical superiority is a companion of mental inferiority. He argues for more research, not less, into such “difficult issues.”
Chapter 12 crosses the African content to focus on a different ethnic group, the Kalenjins of Kenya, who excel in huge numbers at a different track-and-field sport: long-distance running. As is common with Epstein’s treatment of other subjects, there are environmental theories and gene-based theories as to why the Kalenjins produce so many elite long-distance runners, and Epstein doesn’t come to a conclusion. He acknowledges the fact that Kalenjins have a Nilotic body type, with long, thin limbs that give them a documented advantage against runners with shorter, stockier body types. However, he challenges this single explanation by pointing out other regions where this body type is prevalent, like Sudan, whose main barriers to sports on the world stage have been (Epstein believes) ones of sports infrastructure stemming from the country’s civil war. Epstein closes with one final complication, which is that “for years, the rest of the world was helping Kenya by getting slower” (202), suggesting that athletes from richer, more sedentary countries have been self-selecting out of long-distance running.
Chapter 13 discusses more factors in Kenyan running dominance. The first is a socioeconomic environment that propels average Kenyans to seek careers in professional running at high numbers in the hopes of an economic payout that would drastically change their lives. Epstein articulates this aspect through the lens of a single runner hopeful, Evans Kiplagat, and imbues the story with pathos that illustrates the economic desperation and willpower of Kenyan runners like him. The second factor is a culture wherein most children run or walk long distances to school from a young age. With this baseline, experts argue that the fastest children will be spotted sooner and in greater numbers than in a place with a sedentary youth culture. Finally, Epstein explores the role of altitude in Kenyan and Ethiopian running, examining how other populations have developed diverse genetic adaptations to altitudes and how dwelling at, or coming from, high altitudes does not alone produce advantages in running. However, Epstein does suggest that looking at the matrix of where an athlete is from, where his or her ancestors are from, and where he or she trains is a better way to see how altitude may confer advantages on runners.