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37 pages 1 hour read

Jonathan Spence

The Memory Palace Of Matteo Ricci

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 1984

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Chapters 4-6Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 4 Summary: “The Second Image: The Huihui”

The second memory image Ricci constructs is from the Chinese ideograph yao. Yao translates roughly to “to want or need something,” specifically something important or that must be done. In 1594 Ricci and his friend and fellow Jesuit Michele Ruggieri translated the Ten Commandments into Chinese. Yao is the first word in the first commandment. Ricci cuts the ideograph into two parts horizontally. The first means west, the second means woman. It forms an image of “a woman from the Xixia territories, who is a Muslim” (95). The reference to the Xixia territories doubles the symbolism of the ideogram, as the ideogram meaning west is spelt xi, which is included twice in Xixia. The woman wears exotic clothing, felt boots, and braided hair. However, the image could also mean “a woman from the northwest, who is a huihui” (95), which indicates a more general location and does not identify the woman as Muslim. Huihui is a more general term that also describes Jewish, Christian, and Muslim people. Ricci places the woman in the northeast corner of his reception hall, near the warriors from Chapter 2.

The term huihui groups the Christian, Jewish, and Muslim faiths into one category. Spence uses this term to explore the challenges to the Catholic faith in the period and the role of the Jesuits in the Counter-Reformation. For example, in 1584 Ricci drew a map of the world to display in the mission in Zhaoquing. A visitor to the hall copied the print and made woodblock prints of it that were widely circulated. In response to its popularity, Ricci made a fuller and more detailed version of the map. He printed the final version in 1602, alongside essays praising his work by local scholars. In his map he glossed over the challenges that the Catholic church faced in Europe as well as the existence of other faiths. In Goa, for example, Ricci would have been exposed to Islam’s considerable influence. Hindu power was declining, but Muslim influence was rising, especially as the Mogul ruler Akbar built an empire in Northern India. The Jesuits unsuccessfully tried to convert Akbar. Ricci, who had witnessed the poor treatment of Jews in Europe, was distressed by the Inquisition against Jewish people.

The Jesuits were particularly active missionaries known for speaking multiple languages and preaching in the street. Jesuits were trained in theology, classics, mathematics, and science, as well as disputations, or debates. While in China, Ricci ignored Chinese religious teachings but absorbed Chinese scientific knowledge. While knowledge was central to the Jesuit mission, Ricci’s ultimate aim was rooted in evangelizing. Spence argues that “the important aim for Ricci in all this was to involve the Chinese in his scientific achievements so they would prove more receptive to the Christian faith” (140). Ricci’s conversion strategy involved building personal relationships and sharing scientific knowledge.

Chapter 5 Summary: “The Second Picture: The Road to Emmaus”

The second picture Ricci chose to include in Cheng Dayue’s Ink Garden is Christ on the road to Emmaus. The image is based on the gospel of Luke and shows Christ encountering two disciples on the road to Emmaus after the resurrection. The caption reads, “Two disciples, after hearing the truth, reject all vanity” (131). Theologians considered the passage from Luke to be ambiguous and full of hidden meanings, and it was commonly debated in the period. The image’s complex meanings are not included in Ricci’s two-paragraph summary that accompanies the image. Following the same model as the first picture, he creates his own summary of the scripture passage. The first paragraph describes the scene, and the second provides interpretation. He frames the story as being about reason and explanation, as well as the stoic acceptance of suffering that will ultimately lead to bliss. Spence compares the first and second pictures, concluding that the disciples on the boat show poor workers fishing, while the Emmaus scene documents gentlemen of leisure in elegant dress.

Chapter 5 continues the theme of missionary work and conversion introduced in Chapter 4. Training in persuasion and memory techniques was central to Jesuit education and conversion methods. Science and mathematics were also important to Jesuit education, for by “placing emphasis on mathematical skills the Jesuits proved that they stood at the frontiers of modern knowledge and had inherited the dominant thrust of late Renaissance Italian humanism” (145). While Ricci was impressed by Chinese scientific knowledge, he believed that the fundamental principles underpinning scientific exploration in China were wrong and sought to teach them key insights from the Western tradition.

Ricci made effective use of these memory techniques in China, as the structure of the Chinese language was particularly suitable for this method. While in China, Ricci encouraged rumors of his skill at memorization as a method of attracting interest to the Catholic faith. As memorization was important to Chinese examinations, it was an effective strategy at attracting interest. Toward the end of Ricci’s time in China, his presence at long dinners with scholars and officials was in high demand. However, the pressures of socializing and the rigors of intellectual exchange led to exhaustion. On May 11, 1610, Ricci passed away after a period of exhaustion and illness.

Chapter 6 Summary: “The Third Image: Profit and Harvest”

The third image is the Chinese character li, which translates to profit. Dividing the ideograph down the center into two new ideograms, Ricci is left with grain and blade/knife. The memory picture is farmer holding a sickle, ready to cut crops in the field. Li is the ideograph Ricci chose for his Chinese name, though he uses the form ly, a phonetic echo of ri, the first syllable in his name. The farmer is placed in the northwest corner of his memory palace.

The ideogram introduces the idea of profit, which was a constant theme in Ricci’s time, regardless of religion or nationality. Poverty was considered a virtue in the Jesuit tradition, but society valued money, and “the Catholic church’s attitude toward money and property accumulation had never been settled; its responses ranged from vows of perpetual poverty to soaring cathedral spires” (166). Wealth was evident in city building campaigns, and the church demonstrated its power through beautiful buildings and structures. The Jesuits engaged in trading to fund their mission in Japan, which was controversial in the church. Giving gifts—including richly illustrated books and tapestries—to the Chinese was considered a core strategy for the success of the mission in China. Clocks were particularly effective gifts. However, the gifts did not lead to benefits for the Jesuits. A considerable theme in Ricci’s writings is landownership, lodging, and real-estate.

In 1582 the Jesuits got permission to move to China, though this was a period of economic and political difficulty for the Jesuits. The mission in China was economically precarious and remained small throughout the 1580s, with only a few priests. The mission’s size and impact increased after 1601, with the opening of the fourth mission in Peking. The mission oscillated between bankruptcy and affluence based on payments from trade in Macao. By then there were an average of 17 Jesuit priests and over 150 conversions a year. Ricci often accepted gifts, though the Jesuits were not a mendicant order.

Chapters 4-6 Analysis

A key theme woven throughout Spence’s book is the contested state of faith. In China, Ricci attempted to convert Confucians, Buddhists, and Taoists. Meanwhile, in Europe, the Catholic church faced the Counter-Reformation. In Chapter 4 Ricci documents the challenges facing the church and the various strategies employed in evangelizing and spreading the Christian faith. The Jesuits were known as soldiers of God and famed for their far-reaching and committed approach to missionary work. However, Jesuits in Goa focused more on indigenous Christians—known as St. Thomas Christians or Malabar Christians—rather than Muslims or Jews. They were converted by St. Thomas, who traveled through Asia Minor and the West Coast of India before being martyred in Madras. Although they were practicing Christians, their beliefs were different from orthodox Catholic doctrine. For example, they believed that Mary was the mother of Christ rather than mother of God, which was considered heretical. As this example highlights, the issue was not simply converting people to Catholicism but also ensuring that converts followed the correct Christian doctrine.

Spence also spends considerable time describing the situation faced by Jews in Europe. They were prominent in Roman commercial culture in both the garment trade and banking. Because the church forbade loaning money for interest, Jewish people ran banking and loan industries. In this period it was commonly—and negatively—referred to as usury. Jewish people faced discrimination, documented in the creation of a Jewish ghetto in Rome. The Inquisition was the most extreme form of discrimination. In Goa, the Inquisition was formerly initiated in 1560, but victims of the Inquisition were murdered as early as 1543 for the crime of secretly practicing Jewish ceremonies. Christians who were considered heretical—the aforementioned Malabar Christians—were also subject to examination by the Inquisition in Goa, which Rici disagreed with. Jewish people who converted to Christianity were still subject to the Inquisition, which sought to punish converts who remained secretly Jewish. A dozen Jewish people were burned at the stake in Ancona, a city where Jewish people had been promised refuge by the papacy. Spence draws a parallel between Ricci’s misunderstanding of the multiple faiths he encountered in China—including Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism—and the Chinese concept of huihui, which for Ricci flattened the considerable differences between the Jewish, Muslim, and Christian faiths that animated conflict in Europe. Ricci also discovered a strong Islamic faith in China, as well as several Jews.

The question of cultural translation is introduced as a key concern. In China, for example, Ricci shaved his head and beard and wore the robes of a Buddhist monk. In doing so, he adapted his dress to conform to conceptions of how holy men looked in China. He wrote to his school friend Fuligatti in November 1585 about the little group of Westerners gathered in Zhaoqing: “Would that you could see me as I am now: I have become a Chinaman. In our clothing, in our looks, in our manners and in everything external we have made ourselves Chinese” (114).

Ricci saw parallels between Catholic and Buddhist modes of appearance, such as robes for priests, chanting, the vows of celibacy and poverty, and the sacredness of the temple or church. However, after several years, Ricci learned that he had developed the wrong external image, as Buddhist clergy had low social status. Mimicking common Buddhist modes of presentation did not bring prestige. Once he realized this, Ricci grew his hair and beard and wore a fine purple silk robe with silk shoes covered in embroidery. Spence documents Ricci slowly gaining awareness of the complexities of Chinese society and the intricacies of faith and how that influenced his attempts at conversion.

Ricci’s success in learning Chinese was the result of his skill in combining two mnemonic techniques: vivid visual cues and lengthy sequences. He quickly picked up the language, focusing on the formation of individual ideographs. Ideographs lent themselves well to memory images, and sentences could be memorized as a succession of images. Chinese was well suited to Ricci’s method because “their words have no articles, no cases, no number, no gender, no tense, no mood; they just solve their problems with certain adverbial forms which can be explained very easily” (137). Not all languages were as adaptable to Ricci’s method. For example, he struggled to learn Greek, as the sentences had to be memorized more precisely and images were less effective in conveying meaning. After 12 years, Ricci was proficient enough in Chinese to explain these methods in the Chinese language.

The spread of knowledge and intellectual exchange was important to the Jesuit faith and training. The Jesuits published their first major book in 1559, an expurgated version of Martials Epigrams. This was typical of Jesuit publishing, which produced editions of great works that removed any offensive material. The desire to publish work that promoted moral lessons without offending the innocence of youth was key to the Jesuit mission. They also produced cheap editions of classic texts for poor students. While Ricci was a student in Rome, he had access to books and learned to memorize, which was a key tenant of Jesuit education. Ricci made use of this intellectual heritage while in China.

Spence highlights several examples where the reality of Jesuit life was different than Jesuit teachings. The most extreme example was the Jesuits’ reliance on trade to fund their missions in China and Japan, which had unexpected repercussions. For example, because of Ricci’s unstable financial situation, moving between being near bankruptcy and donations of silver bullion, there were rumors that Ricci was an alchemist. The silver came from trade in Macao, but he fueled these rumors because there was a perception in China that Jesuits were not supposed to rely on trade. Ricci’s fame as an alchemist was hard to dispel. In another example, music was discouraged in Jesuit services, but Ricci wrote a cycle of eight songs that were popular among the Chinese scholarly class.

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