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Sandy TolanA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
This chapter begins with a young Jewish salesman named Moshe Eshkenazi, who discovered a wallet in Sofia, the capital of Bulgaria, in 1943. Wearing a yellow star that marked him as a Jew, he turned the wallet in at the police station, where a senior policeman told him there was a plan afoot to deport the Jews and said that Moshe should clear out. Moshe took his wife, Solia, out of the capital to her family’s house in Sliven on the Black Sea.
In 1943 Bulgaria, the kingdom of Boris III was allied with the Axis powers. During the warm months, Jewish men like Moshe had to work in camps, building roads and railways for the Axis powers. The 47,000 Jews in Bulgaria had heard the horrific tales of what was happening to Jews elsewhere in Europe, and laws modeled on the Nuremberg laws in Germany had taken away their rights.
At the same time, Susannah Shemuel Behar, the daughter of the rabbi of Plovdiv, was reading Jack London in her family’s den when the doorbell rang. Susannah was part of the Partizan resistance, and she hid her anti-fascist literature in her father’s Bible. The person ringing the bell was a neighbor who told the rabbi that his family was going to be arrested soon. An hour later, a policeman arrived and told the family they had 30 minutes to report to the Jewish schoolyard. Susannah and her family made their way there. They came across the servant to the Orthodox bishop of Plovdiv, and the rabbi told him to wake up Bishop Kiril to tell him what was going on. In Sliven, Moshe and his wife’s family received a notice, as did all of Bulgaria’s Jews, to prepare themselves for a long journey.
In 1941, King Boris had aligned himself with the Nazis in an attempt to maintain the sovereignty of Bulgaria. Aleksander Belev was put in charge of the “Jewish question.” He went to Berlin to study Germany’s racial laws and put these laws into place in Bulgaria, prohibiting Jews from owning cars, telephones, and radios as well as from working in political parties or professional associations. All Bulgarian Jews had to wear a yellow star, and men like Solia’s cousin, Yitzhak Yitzhaki, had to toil in work camps.
This treatment ran counter to the historical Bulgarian treatment of Jews, who had been welcome in the Ottoman Empire (which at the time included Bulgaria) when they were expelled from Spain in 1492. The Ottoman sultan considered Jews a “treasure” that Spain had foolishly expelled. Jews later fought in the wars of Bulgarian independence. When Belev put antisemitic laws into place, Bulgarians of all stripes, including members of the Orthodox Church, protested mightily. Belev therefore had to work surreptitiously to try to deport Jews, which he planned in tandem with Theodor Dannecker from Nazi Germany. He signed an agreement that 20,000 of the deported Jews would come from Macedonia and Thrace, which Bulgaria had annexed, yet 7,500 Jews had to come from Bulgaria itself.
Word leaked out, however; an optician who was the brother-in-law of the interior minister told a Jewish acquaintance. The optician was from a fruit-growing town called Kyustendil, and it was here that resistance began to mount. The town’s Jewish residents panicked about the news of the Jews in Macedonia and Thrace. They pooled their money and gave it to the district commissioner to convince him to send a delegation to Sofia. Instead, this man accepted the money and did nothing.
Asen Suichmezov, who owned a leather and coat shop and who had many Jewish friends, journeyed to Sofia in March 1943 with three friends to meet with the vice president of the parliament, Dimitur Peshev. At the train station in Kyustendil, Suichmezov and his friends saw freight cars waiting to deport Jews; later they found out those Jews were supposed to be sent to the Treblinka death camp. It was while this was going on that Rabbi Behar and his family reported to the Jewish school in Plovdiv, and Moshe and Solia waited with their family in silence.
Peshev regarded Bulgarian Nazis as part of “a grotesque and pathetic vaudeville” and dreamed of Bulgaria as a parliamentary democracy (37). He had aligned himself with fascists to keep Nazis from occupying his country. When Suichmezov met with Peshev at home, Peshev had already heard the rumors about impending deportations and determined to prevent Bulgaria from being “brand[ed] […] with [the] mark of shame” these deportations would cause (38). Peshev demanded a meeting with the interior minister, Petur Gabrovski, and threatened to reveal the deportations publicly in a country that was opposed to them. In response, Gabrovski suspended the deportations. Later evidence supported the idea that King Boris himself approved this suspension. While Jews in Macedonia and Thrace were deported, Jews in Bulgaria were temporarily spared. Jews hailed Suichmezov in the street, and the Jews huddled in the school in Plovdiv were allowed to leave. Jews across Bulgaria were told to go home, and many could still recall their intense sense of relief 60 years later.
Bishop Kiril later visited Rabbi Behar’s house and told him that the Bulgarian Orthodox Church “[would] stand up for the Jews” (41). Metropolitan Stefan, the highest-ranking Orthodox official in the country, implored Boris to spare the Jews. Peshev also put pressure on the king and was removed from his post, never to hold public office again. Belev again planned for the Jews’ deportation, but the king, sensing that Germany had been weakened by the defeat at Stalingrad and anticipating the Allies’ eventual arrival in Bulgaria, sent the Jews out of Sofia but did not deport them. The Nazis soon forgot about the 47,000 Bulgarian Jews.
Ordinary Bulgarians had saved the Jews in their country: “None of this would have happened without what the Bulgarian-French intellectual Tzvetan Todorov calls ‘the fragility of goodness’” (43). In December 1947, Solia gave birth to a girl named Daizy (who would later change her name to Dalia). Dalia would go to Palestine with “an extraordinary legacy” (43).
The chapter opens with Bashir’s family taking him to a mosque in Hebron for a baby-naming ceremony in late February 1942 when he was 10 days old. He was much doted on by his family. During World War II, the Palestinian economy boomed, as it was a staging area for the fighting in North Africa. After the war, the status of Jewish refugees became pressing, as the Mossad (which later became the Israeli spy agency) began to smuggle such refugees into Palestine; the British, abiding by the White Paper, tried to keep them in Cyprus. Jews in Palestine—working with the Haganah and the extremist militias, the Irgun and the Stern group—wanted the British out of Palestine. The Irgun exploded a bomb in the King David Hotel in Jerusalem, where the British intelligence agency was headquartered, killing 80 people. Solia’s cousin, Yitzhak Yitzhaki, arrived in Jerusalem in 1945 and soon joined the Haganah. To determine what to do with Palestine, the British turned the affair over to a UN fact-finding mission.
Arabs in Palestine were nervous about the outcome of the UN mission. The leader of the Arab Rebellion, Hajj Amin al-Husseini, the ex-mufti of Jerusalem, lived in exile, and rival groups developed in his absence. Arab governments professed their support of a single independent state, as the ex-mufti did, but some had their own goals. King Abdullah of Transjordan met in secret with Zionist leaders and planned to divide Palestine with them. Abdullah made claims on the West Bank of the Jordan River: “This gap between public pan-Arab unity and the hidden interests of individual leaders would prove significant in the months and years to come” (49).
In November 1947, the UN General Assembly voted to create two states in Palestine—one for Arabs and one for Jews. The British would leave on May 15, 1948. The Khairis were “in shock,” as al-Ramla, their town, would be only kilometers away from the Jewish state. Many Arabs would be in the Jewish state, where they would be a 45% minority. The Palestinian leadership vowed to oppose the deal, and while many Jews celebrated this decision, Jewish leaders such as David Ben-Gurion worried about the large Arab population in the Jewish state.
Yitzhaki immediately received word that he should go up to Mt. Scopus to defend Jerusalem from potential Arab attacks. On the bus en route, there was an explosion that caused him to dive onto the floor, where he met his future wife, Varda Carmon.
Meanwhile, Arab states and the ex-mufti were making plans to attack Jewish sites. Zionist forces, filled with Holocaust survivors who were “highly motivated to defend their homeland” also readied themselves for battle (51). Ben-Gurion said, “The boundaries of the state will not be determined by a UN resolution, but by the force of arms” (51). In early 1948, bombs planted by both Jewish and Arab forces caused deadly explosions in Jerusalem, and Arab forces blocked two key points between Jerusalem and the Mediterranean—the mountain pass at Bab al-Wad and al-Ramla, which was on the Jaffa-Jerusalem road.
The Khairis became increasingly worried when the house of the ex-mufti’s commander, which was just outside al-Ramla, was destroyed and when the nephew of the ex-mufti died in battle. Yitzhaki had his own worries. He took a 24-hour leave from Mt. Scopus, and his girlfriend, Varda, got him another day off. The caravan he was supposed to be on was attacked, and everyone on it was killed. Thinking he was on the bus, his family in Bulgaria mourned him.
In al-Ramla, Bedouins fighting for King Abdullah began to arrive. Barefoot and without sufficient weapons, they seemed ill-equipped to defend the town. Refugees from Jaffa and a village named Na’ani began to arrive in town, having been warned by a neighboring Jew that the Jewish forces were on the way to kill the Arabs.
On May 14, Ben-Gurion announced Israel’s independence. The next day, as he broadcast the news to the US, Egypt was bombing Tel Aviv. Egyptian forces attacked Israeli forces in the Negev, Syrians and Iraqis entered from the east, and King Abdullah’s forces marched across the Jordan River in the hope of claiming the West Bank. Al-Ramla descended into hand-to-hand combat between Jewish and Arab forces, and the local Arab residents asked King Abdullah and the head of his Arab Legion, John Bagot Glubb, for help. Abdullah instead sent Glubb to Jerusalem. In his secret dealings with the Jewish leadership, Abdullah had planned to claim the West Bank and al-Ramla, but the entry of his forces was a declaration of war against Israel. Meanwhile, both Jewish and Arab civilians were being attacked, and Irgun forces attacked al-Ramla. Ahmad moved his family to Ramallah, thinking the move was only temporary.
A UN negotiator, Count Folke Bernadotte, arrived in Transjordan to arrange a truce, and both the Arab and Israeli forces tried to gain as much territory as possible before the truce was declared. The UN declared a truce and arms embargo on June 11, but Israel managed to break the embargo with a shipment from Czechoslovakia, meaning the Arab forces would be at a disadvantage if hostilities resumed. King Abdullah, content with having grabbed most of the West Bank, pressured the UN for an armistice, and the UN negotiator agreed, setting the border between Israel and Transjordan. This meant that al-Ramla would be part of Transjordan. Israel, though reeling from a brush with civil war when the Haganah blew up an Irgun ship (part of the government’s efforts to consolidate defense under the Israeli Defense Forces, the successor of the Haganah), refused to agree to this plan. The gambit to shore up the IDF had worked, leaving Israel in a stronger position than it had been before the truce. Many members of the Arab League still pushed for a single Arab-majority state, and King Abdullah was forced to join them.
On July 11, Lieutenant Israel Gefen, part of Commando Battalion Eighty-Nine of the IDF, along with his commander, Lieutenant Colonel Moshe Dayan, were part of Operation Dani to secure the road from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. Their tanks rolled into the town of Lydda near al-Ramla and mowed down everything and everyone in their path. In al-Ramla, Sheikh Mustafa urged his people to stay in the town. However, the reinforcements they had requested from the Arab Legion never came, and the Bedouins slipped out of town. The Khairis holed up in their compound. On July 11, Mustafa ordered his son to bring a white flag to the Israeli forces, signifying their defeat. The Israeli security chief who arrived in al-Ramla had orders from Ben-Gurion to evacuate everyone from the town, no matter their age. Some members of Israeli leadership believed that these evacuations would prevent the retaking of the town and create a burden for King Abdullah, although the Israeli minister of minority affairs considered the expulsion of the Palestinian Arab population of conquered territories a disgrace.
Firdaws Taji, a second cousin of the Khairis, and other relatives were loaded onto buses and then ordered to march through the heat to the town of Salbit. From there, they were taken to Ramallah. They had left all their belongings in al-Ramla and were “determined to return home” (69).
By juxtaposing chapters detailing the experience of the Eshkenazis in WWII Bulgaria and the experience of the Khairis being expelled from al-Ramla, Tolan highlights The Parallels Between the Jewish and Palestinian Experiences. Before Dalia was born, her parents left Sofia, the capital of Bulgaria, to go to the countryside to escape potential deportation to Nazi death camps. Nonetheless, they lived in fear. Similarly, when the British agreed to create the state of Israel, the Khairis were in complete shock. They were uprooted from their centuries-old homeland, and they had to leave al-Ramla to go to Ramallah. In both chapters, Tolan interweaves descriptions of the families’ plights with depictions of powerful, self-interested political actors such as King Abdullah and King Boris III, implying that both the Eshkenazis and the Khairis were pawns in larger geopolitical affairs.
At the same time, one of the closest parallels between the two stories underscores The Power of Individuals to prevent injustice. In the end, the Eshkenazis and others like them were saved by the efforts of ordinary Bulgarians who implored political leaders and the king to spare the nation’s Jews. Just as an optician alerted the Bulgarian Jewish population to the danger they were in, a Jewish neighbor warned the Arab residents of Jaffa and Ra’ana that the Israeli forces would kill them if they didn’t flee. These anecdotes underscore Tolan’s message that ordinary people are not entirely at the mercy of broad sociopolitical forces; their choices can mean the difference between life and death.
The friendship that ultimately develops between Dalia and Bashir is another example of how individuals might make a difference, and the structure of these chapters implies that that friendship was facilitated by the experiences they had in common even before they met in Israel: a family legacy of uncertainty and trauma. However, Tolan also lays the groundwork for The Lemon Tree’s exploration of The Trials of Friendship Between Israelis and Palestinians by showing that trauma does not always engender empathy. As Tolan notes, some Holocaust survivors who moved to what would become Israel fought particularly fiercely against the Arab forces, even though the latter were similarly motivated by the desire to “defend their homeland” (51).
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