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57 pages 1 hour read

Sandy Tolan

The Lemon Tree: An Arab, a Jew, and the Heart of the Middle East

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 2006

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Chapters 1-2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 1 Summary: “Bell”

Content Warning: The source material and this guide contain references to antisemitism (including the Holocaust), terrorist violence, ethnic cleansing, and military occupation.

In July 1967, Bashir Khairi, a young Arab man, is in the bathroom of the West Jerusalem bus station in Israel. He has prepared for the trip he is taking with his cousins Yasser and Ghiath since he was six—20 years in all. The men are from Ramallah, a Palestinian town 30 minutes to the north, where they are refugees. They took a taxi to East Jerusalem, where there had been fighting only weeks before that led to the Israeli occupation of East Jerusalem. During the Six Day War, Israelis had taken over the West Bank, Sinai Peninsula, and the Golan Heights. After making their way to the bus station, Bashir and his cousins bought tickets to al-Ramla; they now prepare to board.

The action then switches to a woman named Dalia Eshkenazi, who is sitting in her house in Ramla. After days of the air raid sounding, it is finally quiet. Dalia is on a summer break from Tel Aviv University. She felt the stress of the fighting acutely, but she was determined “to never again be led like sheep to the slaughter” as Jews had been during the Holocaust (3). Dalia’s parents grew up in Bulgaria and survived a pro-Nazi regime before moving to Israel when Dalia was 11 months old. Christians in Bulgaria spared her family during the Holocaust. She believes it was her family’s divine destiny to live in Israel and has been told that the Palestinians who lived in her house had run away.

On the bus to al-Ramla, the three cousins sit apart, fearing that speaking to one another would reveal their identity. On the trip, Bashir sees sights from his family’s long history, including where his Arab ancestors fought back Christian invaders during the Crusades. He also sees the burned wrecks of cars from 19 years prior—relics of the Israeli War of Independence, which the Palestinians refer to as the Nakba, or “Catastrophe.”

Dalia carries on an internal dialogue she has had with God since a child. She wonders why God would spare Israel during the Six Day War but subject Jews to the Holocaust. She sees a jacaranda tree her father planted and the lemon tree that was already bearing fruit when her family arrived at the house. She has begun to question the narrative she learned in school—that the “Arabs had fled like cowards” (5)—as she wondered who would leave such a beautiful place.

Bashir, Yasser, and Ghiath arrive in al-Ramla. Yasser, the oldest, enters a butcher shop and greets the butcher, calling him Abu Mohammed. The Jewish butcher says that Abu Mohammed is gone and that he is called Mordechai. Yasser knocks on the door of his old house, but the woman who answers threatens to call the police. The men leave. They come upon Ghiath’s old house, which has been turned into a school. The principal, Shulamit, invites them in for a tour. Bashir then goes looking for his old house. When he comes to it, he has a sense deep inside that it’s the right house. Dalia is sitting on the back veranda of the house catching up on her summer reading. Bashir rings the bell.

Chapter 2 Summary: “House”

The narrative goes back to 1936, when Ahmad Khairi, using white Jerusalem stone, built his family’s home on the eastern edge of al-Ramla, an Arab town with 11,000 people on the coastal plain that runs between Jerusalem and the Mediterranean Sea. Arab farmers at the time produced barley, wheat, tomatoes, melons, and other crops. The Khairis grew oranges, olives, and almonds in a communal land holding called a waqf. The Khairis traced their ancestry back to the 16th-century religious scholar Khair al-Din al-Ramlawi, a judge from Morocco who worked for the Ottoman Empire.

In 1936, Palestine was under the control of the British, who had taken over after the Ottoman Empire’s collapse following World War I. The Khairis had their own family compound, and women in the family stayed mostly in the compound and sent servants to do the shopping. On Tuesdays, the family took over the town cinema to watch movies. Seven years earlier, Ahmad had married a woman named Zakia from the Riad family of al-Ramla—a rare marriage outside of the clan. Ahmed’s uncle, Sheikh Mustafa Khairi, had raised Ahmed after the death of his parents. Mustafa had since become the mayor of the town and was popular with the townspeople as well as the British overseers. However, when Britain took control of Palestine in 1917, it also passed the Balfour Declaration, in which it promised to create a “national homeland for the Jewish people” in Palestine (9). This issue drove the Arabs and the British apart.

As Ahmad built his house, he conferred with Mustafa about building the home with Ahmad’s share of the waqf and the income from Ahmad’s furniture workshop. Zakia, age 26, was pregnant with her fourth baby. Ahmad worked to build his house with a British builder named Benson Solli, who was also a Jew. The Arab and Jewish townsfolk existed in separate worlds, but they did interact. For example, Jews from the local kibbutzim came to the town’s market, and Arabic-speaking Jews bought cement at the factory nearby. Ahmad and Zakia’s daughters studied in Jerusalem with Jewish girls. One of the daughters recalled: “They all spoke Arabic and were Palestinian like us” (10).

Ahmad constructed his quarters with a modern stove even though Zakia could send her bread to a communal oven that had been constructed in 715 CE by Caliph Suleiman Ibn Abdel-Malek. Abdel-Malek made al-Ramla, the capital of Palestine, more important at the time than Jerusalem. It was the site of the famous White Mosque and a 6-mile aqueduct as well as an important trade stopover between Cairo and Damascus. It was later conquered by Crusaders, freed by Saladin, and conquered by the Ottomans. In the 1930s, it was the site of a British military garrison staffed by a colonial officer and troops.

After Hitler gained power in Germany in 1933, Jews fleeing persecution and encouraged by Zionist dreams increasingly settled in Palestine—between 1922 and 1936, the Jewish population in Palestine increased fourfold, and the British struggled to control the flow. Arabs had sold land to Jews from Europe for decades, but this practice was declared treasonous by the mid-1930s as nationalism rose among the Arabs. Meanwhile, Ahmad planted his garden, choosing a spot for a lemon tree that would take seven years to sprout. In late 1936, the house was finished, and the family, with its three little girls, celebrated.

The fall prior, the Great Arab Rebellion had broken out as many Palestinian Arabs believed that the British favored the Jewish settlers. The Balfour Declaration had helped give rise to a Jewish trade union, university, militia (the Haganah), and bank, and the Arabs feared it would give rise to a Jewish state. In the fall of 1935, the British discovered Zionists were smuggling arms but did not prosecute the perpetrators, prompting a Palestinian man named Sheikh Izzadin al-Qassam to gather a small band of fighters. In that same year, the British shot al-Qassam dead, making him a martyr. The rebellion proper broke out when Arab robbers in northern Palestine killed two Jews; retaliation by Jews followed, as did further violence on both sides. The British imposed a state of emergency, and the Arab leadership formed the Arab High Committee, led by the mufti (an Islamic jurist) of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin al-Husseini, who turned against the British. The Arab High Committee declared an end to Jewish immigration and to land sales to Jews. Arab fighters, or fedayeen, carried out sabotage against British and Jewish targets. In retaliation, the British destroyed the houses of people who were suspected of being rebels.

During the summer of 1936, the Khairi clan and Arabs from across Palestine celebrated the feast of Nabi Saleh, an early prophet who predicted the coming of Mohammed. Rebels attacked workers toiling on water projects and British troops on patrol. The fighters moved at night and were sheltered in houses during the day, including, perhaps, the Khairis’ house.

Meanwhile, the Khairis tried to live their lives. A daughter, Khanom, was born to them, though they had wanted a son. Zakia, who always wore a dress, sometimes went to the market with her daughters, who saw all the produce and wares there. They saw that each villager’s dress told a story; in al-Ramla, where oranges were grown, bodices were embroidered with orange branches. Ahmad worked in his furniture workshop. Vision problems made it hard for him to attend university, so he trained as a tradesman. His business, along with money from the Khairi land, funded a comfortable existence.

By the end of 1936, a temporary peace settled on Palestine as the British investigated the uprising. Lord Peel, formerly an administrator of India, produced a report in 1937 that recommended Palestine be divided into two states. This involved the transfer of over 200,000 Palestinians and about 1,200 Jews. The Zionist leaders such as David Ben-Gurion accepted this plan, believing it was a once-in-a-lifetime chance for a Jewish state, but other Zionists, such as Albert Einstein, believed that Jews and Arabs could cooperate and that the population transfer would only create problems. In 1937, the Arab Rebellion again erupted as Arabs shot a British commissioner and the British cracked down on Palestinians in response. Ahmad’s uncle, Sheikh Mustafa, who had formerly commanded great respect, was thought to oppose Hajj Amin al-Husseini, the leader of the Arab High Committee. He opposed the fedayeen’s imposition of taxes on the locals to fund the rebellion, and he fled to Damascus, fearing for his safety (only to return within a month).

By May 1939, the Arab rebels thought that they had won a political victory, as the British government produced its White Paper, which agreed to limit Jewish immigration to Palestine from Europe and called for a single state. The paper, a major reversal from the Peel Commission, met with Jewish resistance. Soon, Jewish forces were attacking the British, while the situation of Jews in Europe became increasingly precarious. By 1940, the British had quelled the Arab resistance by jailing and killing thousands of people. As Nazi victories in Africa mounted and Jews were slaughtered in Poland and Germany, Jews feared that Rommel would march to Tel Aviv. However, Palestine was largely quiet during the war. Nevertheless, the British feared that Hajj Amin al-Husseini, now making alliances with the Nazis in Berlin, was readying for a postwar uprising. The British also worried about a Jewish paramilitary group called the Stern group. For the most part, however, Jews and Arabs alike simply worried about how to get through rationing. Meanwhile, Mayor Khairi again ruled in al-Ramla, and Ahmad prepared for the birth of his seventh child and first boy, whom he and his wife called Bashir.

Chapters 1-2 Analysis

In the first chapter, the narrative switches back and forth between the journey of Bashir Khairi, who is returning to his ancestral home in al-Ramla, and the life of Dalia Eshkenazi, a Jewish college student whose parents are refugees from Bulgaria. In part, this structure suggests the collision of their worlds. For example, Tolan juxtaposes the pride Bashir takes in his ancestor’s resistance to the Crusades with Dalia’s recollections of being told that her house’s original occupants fled in fear; these two worldviews seem irreconcilable. At the same time, the interweaving of stories hints at underlying continuities, establishing the theme of The Parallels Between the Jewish and Palestinian Experiences. Dalia’s determination never to face another Holocaust echoes Bashir’s attitude toward the Naqba. The choice to open with Dalia and Bashir rather than the broader ethnopolitical context also humanizes the Israel-Palestine conflict, signaling that The Lemon Tree is fundamentally a story about individual people and hinting at the themes of The Political as Personal and The Power of Individuals.

Indeed, even as the second chapter fills in the backstory of the region’s history, it continually returns to Bashir’s family history, including the construction of his family’s house before Israel became a state. Tolan to some extent treats the experiences of the Khairis as emblematic of the broader Palestinian experience. For example, the house that Ahmad Khairi builds in 1936 is a symbol of the changing fortunes of the Arabs and Jews in both al-Ramla/Ramla and in Palestine/Israel at large. Ahmad carefully constructs his stone house with the hopes of a long future there for his growing family. The lemon tree he planted is, in particular, a sign of hope, as it would take seven years to flower.

In other ways, however, Tolan stresses the particularities of the Khairis’ experiences, lingering on details that are not strictly relevant to the broader narrative, such as Ahmad’s worsening eyesight and its impact on his career. Tolan also positions their house as a somewhat unique beacon of comfort and peace in a troubled land. Though Jews and Arabs had coexisted peacefully in the region for centuries—as the Khairis’ daughter’s comment suggests, both groups were often seen simply as “Palestinian”—the situation had grown considerably more fraught by the time Ahmad built his house. At the time, British-controlled Palestine was already riven by increasing conflict between Jews fleeing Europe and Arabs who feared marginalization. For the time being, however, Ahmad and his wife Zakia live as their families have done for centuries, in relative comfort. They amicably interact with Jews, such as the man who helps Ahmad design his house. All around the house, however, Palestine descends into chaos, foreshadowing future conflict for the Khairis and heightening the pathos of Ahmad’s unrealized dreams.

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