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37 pages 1 hour read

Eric Jager

The Last Duel: A True Story of Crime, Scandal, and Trial by Combat in Medieval France

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2004

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Prologue-Part 1, Chapter 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Prologue Summary and Analysis

The Last Duel begins by describing a duel being held at a monastery in Paris “a few days after Christmas in 1386” (1). Watching the duel is a crowd, including the king and a young woman in black surrounded by guards. Depending on the outcome of the duel, this woman may be put to death.

Besides setting up a mystery to interest the reader, the prologue draws attention to two elements that will be important throughout the book. The first is the duel itself. It is not simply a duel, but since it is a trial by combat it is a duel with spiritual and legal significance. The combatants “would fight without quarter, and without any chance of escape, until one killed the other, thus proving his charges and revealing God’s verdict on their quarrel” (1).

The second key point is represented by the woman: She is essentially a prisoner. Also, if her champion loses, “she would pay with her life for having sworn a false oath” (2). Throughout The Last Duel, Eric Jager will use this woman’s life and experiences to explore the ways women were restricted and controlled in medieval Europe. However, he will also present the ways women, or at least upper-class women, had to assert themselves. 

Part 1, Chapter 1 Summary and Analysis: “Carrouges”

Jager begins this chapter by explaining the historical context of the story of The Last Duel. Europe in the late 14th century had experienced centuries of crusades against Islamic powers in Spain and Portugal and the Middle East as well as constant warfare between the Christian nations of Europe. Further, Europe was coming out of the height of the Black Death, or the Great Plague of 1348-1349.

France, “Europe’s richest, most powerful nation at the start of the fourteenth” (6) century, was especially plagued by violence in this era. Two events brought more violence to Europe and France in particular. The first was the Great Schism of 1378, which saw the nations of Europe divided between “two warring campaigns led by rival popes in Rome and Avignon” (7). This led into the second and even more devastating event, the Hundred Years War, during which the pope in Rome blessed England’s destructive invasion of France. The picture Jager draws attention to, overall, is a violent region where criminals called rouiters (the scourge of God) terrorized French civilians in the wake of English attacks (7) and where violence against women, even nuns, was tolerated in times of war.

Jager then describes the political hierarchy of France. At the top is King Charles VI, an 11-year-old boy who inherited the throne from his father Charles V in 1380. France was not unified politically as much as the France of today. Much of France was not under the direct rule of the monarchy but was divided into fiefdoms controlled by noblemen, including Charles VI’s four uncles. Other provinces of France at the time were occupied by the English. French society was divided into three “main estates” or social classes—peasants (“those who work”), the clergy (“those who pray”), and the nobility (“those who fight”) (8). This social and political structure, Jager argues, was held together by two key elements: oaths of loyalty and land. Oaths expressing loyalty and mutual obligations were held between peasants and their lords as well as between lords and a higher ranking noble or the monarch. These oaths were made and expressed through formal rituals. Land was “the feudal nobility’s main source of wealth, power, and prestige” (10).

Next, Jager comes to Normandy, a northern province of France just across the English Channel from England. Duke William of Normandy conquered England in the 11th century, which meant his descendants, the kings of England, often considered Normandy a rightful part of their domains. This fact along with Normandy’s proximity to England made it an important battlefield in the Hundred Years’ War with Normandy’s nobility often switching sides between France and England. One such Norman nobleman was Jean de Carrouges IV, who was loyal to the French cause and whose father, Jean III, was a veteran of the Hundred Years War. His family could trace its lineage back to the 13th century. His father, Jean IV, also fought for France along with most noblemen.

Carrouges had one sister, Jeanne, who married a local knight and took part of their father’s land as a dowry. Their brother Robert entered the priesthood. Because of this, Jean was expected to carry on the family line. He married Jeanne de Tilly, the daughter of a wealthy lord, who soon had a son. In 1367, Carrouges’s overlord became Count Pierre of Alençon, a cousin of the king. At Count Pierre’s court, Carrouges befriended Jacques Le Gris, a nobleman whose family only recently rose to the nobility. Le Gris even stood as the godfather of Carrouges’s son. Sadly, however, both Carrouges’ wife Jeanne and his son died. This was not just a personal tragedy but also represented a serious problem for Carrouges’s duty to preserve his family line. If Carrouges died without an heir, “his name would die out and his estate would pass out of the Carrouges line” (22). Despite this, Carrouges continued his duty of fighting on campaigns for the French king. He would, however, remarry to try to have another son.

This chapter lays down the important historical context for the story told in The Last Duel, including the political and social structure of medieval France and the background of the Carrouges family. Also, here Jager introduces three key points:

  • The importance of land and family lineage to the medieval French nobility
  • The prevalence of violence in the era, including sexual violence against women
  • Oaths and rituals were used to define and reinforce social, legal, and political responsibilities and relationships

These points will be raised throughout The Last Duel. 

Part 1, Chapter 2 Summary and Analysis: “The Feud”

In 1380, Carrouges marries Marguerite, the heiress to another Norman noble family. This is despite the fact that Marguerite’s father Robert de Thibouville had disgraced his family by twice betraying the French and siding with the English. However, Marguerite was reported as being an “exquisite young woman” (24), who was both physically attractive and virtuous according to the standards of the age. As a nobleman’s wife, she would have managed the household with the help of servants, assisted in the business of his estates, and “had to be courteous, pious, charitable […] discreet, and above all loyal to her husband” (25). Her chastity was especially important to ensure that the heir to the family name and estate would biologically be the offspring of the lord. Jager suggests upper-class women were held up to strict morals, such as piety. Also, while such women were in most cases kept from independence, they did have “political influence among her own noble relatives and friends” (25) and likely had some say in their husbands’ political dealings.

There was one sticking point in the marriage agreement from Carrouges’s point of view. Marguerite’s father had a valuable estate, Aunou-le-Faucon, that he sold to Count Pierre. Later, Count Pierre granted the estate to Le Gris. Carrouges believed Aunou-le-Faucon should have been part of the dowry agreement. So, he started legal proceedings to claim Aunou-le-Faucon. The attempt failed once Count Pierre appealed to his cousin Charles V, who was then king of France. Charles V granted a royal charter that validated the grant of land to Le Gris. Carrouges’s friendship with Le Gris was ruined, and he alienated Count Pierre. “After only three years in Count Pierre’s service, Jean had already marked himself as a jealous and contentious man, even by Norman standards” (31).

Tensions between Le Gris and Carrouges worsened when Count Pierre entrusted the captaincy of Bellême, a local official position, to Le Gris. The insult was worsened by the fact that the office was held by Carrouges’s father. Carrouges sued again, this time for the captaincy of Bellême, and lost, further angering Le Gris and Count Pierre. Meanwhile, in Carrouges’s eyes, Le Gris “had treacherously betrayed him in order to advance himself” (35).

In 1384, Carrouges and Marguerite were invited by friend and squire Jean Crespin to an event celebrating the christening of his son. At Crespin’s encouragement, Carrouges and Le Gris had a public reconciliation at the celebration. This included Marguerite kissing Le Gris on the mouth, a traditional gesture of friendship. Still, Jager speculates Marguerite “may have felt that Jean’s telling her to kiss Jacques Le Gris was going a little too far—an impulsive gesture fueled by too much wine and one that he might later regret” (39).

By describing the end of Carrouges and Le Gris’s relationship and the origins of their feud, Jager highlights noble culture and what nobles valued. What motivated both Carrouges and Le Gris and caused their feud was honor. This sense of honor was dependent on favors from their overlord Count Pierre, having administrative offices and responsibilities like the captaincy of Bellême, and the ownership of land. When this sense of honor is violated, it leads to bitter conflicts, as Jager shows. 

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