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39 pages 1 hour read

Alex S. Vitale

The End of Policing

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2017

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Themes

Calls for Police Reform

Throughout his book, Vitale focuses on existing reforms like operational reforms, behavioral reforms, training, and oversight. In every instance, said reforms have either failed outright or offer limited success. This is based on several factors, including the continued reliance on training methodologies that are functionally dependent on James Q. Wilson and George Kelling’s broken windows theory (1982). Vitale describes it:

[It’s] a deeply conservative attempt to shift the burden of responsibility for declining living conditions onto the poor themselves and to argue that the solution to all social ills is increasingly aggressive, invasive, and restrictive forms of policing that involves more arrests, more harassment, and ultimately more violence (7).

Diversity hires is another reform that consistently falls short due to the institutional racism that permeates departments across the US. Despite the inclusion of people of color on police forces the issue remains twofold. First, Black and Latino police officers historically faced discrimination within departments. Second, according to Vitale, “even the most diverse forces have major problems with racial profiling and bias, and in individual black and Latino officers appear to perform very much like their white counterparts” (11). Police training inherently teaches people of color internalized oppression. Even procedural justice reforms have been criticized by Vitale for doing “little to address the racially disparate outcomes of policing” (15). Instead of providing meaningful changes in the way of social, economic, education, health changes, Vitale asserts that any reform will fall short precisely because “that is how the system is designed to operate” (15), so long as marginalized people of society remain the target of criminalization.

Operational reforms require police officers to take on duties that are often outside their purview, record instances where force is used when dealing with the public and following judicial procedure. Behavioral reforms have targeted police use of inappropriate force including choke holds, unlawful detainment, seize and searches without a warrant, and racial profiling. Despite numerous training initiatives over the course of the last century, Vitale argues that what is taught is rarely practiced. Couple a broken windows approach to policing with what Vitale refers to as a warrior mentality and the problem becomes exacerbated. Vitale describes this mentality as police thinking “of themselves as soldiers in a battle with the public rather than guardians of public safety” (3). The latter has been reinforced through the introduction of military grade weapons, vehicles, and tactical training since the 1970s. Vitale argues that this paramilitary approach to policing, or rather an us-versus-them mentality, also prevents meaningful reform from being adopted nationally.

Finally, Vitale states that oversight of police officers in the field through the use of body cams has proven largely ineffective because of noncompliance by police officers, among many things. An unwillingness of the Department of Justice to hold the police accountable coupled with an unwillingness by state and federal government to create an independent body to oversee policing as a whole is largely the issue. Throughout his book, Vitale makes several suggestions to alleviate these issues. They include but are not limited to disarming the police; redefining the role of the police; adopting restorative justice programs; redistributing government funding toward appropriate social, economic, and diversion programs. For example, Vitale examines the differences between the police in Great Britain and the US. He highlights that by being disarmed, Great Britain police officers rely more on communication than brute force when dealing with suspects, persons with mental illness, or unhoused people. Vitale also argues that criminalizing the unhoused “violates the International Covenant Against Torture and the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights” (98).

Vitale’s suggestions for alternative reforms and practices have largely been ignored by policy makers. This is due to a neoliberal agenda that continues to see cuts made to services, education, and healthcare. It also harkens back to the broken windows theory in that society views marginalized groups as responsible for their predicament as opposed to being victims of a neoliberal government. The US government “has basically abandoned poor neighborhoods to market forces, backed by a repressive criminal justice system. That system stays in power by creating a culture of fear that [policing] claims to be uniquely suited to address” (53).

Thus, Vitale calls for the defunding of the police and the removal of paramilitary equipment, firearms, and vehicles. He argues that it is inappropriate for police officers to be in possession of such things, especially in lieu of the warrior mentality that police officers have adopted. “While individual officers may not harbor deep biases-though many do-the institution’s ultimate purpose has always been one of managing the poor and non-white, rather than producing anything resembling true justice” (53).

Policing’s Connection to Racism and Violence

Through his historical exploration of policing in the 19th and 20th centuries, Vitale demonstrates that policing acts as an enforcer for the predominant class. He shows this throughout his work by highlighting how police officers are charged with maintaining law and order as it is determined by politicians and moral pundits in charge at a given period in time. Today’s modern police are not that far removed from their colonialist forebears. Vitale argues that police today also “enforce a system of laws designed to reproduce and maintain economic inequality, usually along racialized lines” (52). Whether it is the War on Drugs, Prohibition, Gambling, turning a blind eye to hate crimes, or falsely incriminating people of color in crimes that they did not commit (e.g., The Central Park Five in 1989), policing in the US has largely been an instrument of social control. Vitale uses the War on Drugs as an example: “[M]illions of mostly black and brown people have been ground through the criminal justice system, their lives destroyed and their communities destabilized, without reduction in the use or availability of drugs” (53).

Today, Vitale argues that policing is ill-equipped to deal with social services, order‐maintenance, and crime control. This is due in part to a lack of suitable training and understanding of socio-cultural causes related to low-income neighborhoods; enforcing unconstitutional ordinances against the unhoused, sex workers, and people of color; and the adoption of paramilitary tactical training and defenses despite that most police officers rarely ever see action. Vitale claims that this can all be linked back to the portrayal of police and criminals in popular culture and media. Movies like Dirty Harry (1971) and television shows like The Shield (2002-2008) portray policing as engaging “in corrupt or brutal behavior… [but] their primary motivation is to get the bad guys” (32). The use of excessive force fits with Vitale’s claim that popular culture promotes a vengeance mentality. However, David Bayley argues, “The police do not prevent crime” (32).

Vitale argues that this myth is also supported through narratives devised by right wing news outlets like Fox News. Moral panics, coupled with political ambition, often results in policing being granted excess amounts of funds that would be better served fulfilling the needs of socioeconomically deprived communities, better education, and availability of health services. As he states, “[w]e need to produce a society designed to meet people’s human needs, rather than wallow in the pursuit of wealth at the expense of all else” (54). Drawing from Naomi Murakawa, Vitale highlights how this myth surrounding policing has led to inadequate police and criminal justice reform policies in the past (33). Murakawa states:

‘Liberals… want to ignore the profound legacy of racism. Rather than admit the central role of slavery and Jim Crow in both producing wealth for whites and denying basic life opportunities for blacks, they prefer to focus on using a few remedial programs-backed up by a robust criminal justice system to transform black people’s attitudes so that they will be better able to perform competitively in the labor market’ (33).

Inevitably, the concept of white privilege is indirectly introduced by Vitale as he argues that African Americans are forced to start out in life from a diminished position. Employment opportunities, education, economic stability, etc., are class-based systems that highlight inequalities that continue to this day. Vitale argues that Liberals are essentially asking the police to handle societal issues that were caused by a history of colonialism and slavery. However, as a tool of said repressive periods in US history, police themselves are ill-equipped to do so.

Adding to this issue is the privatization of prisons in the US and the racialization of certain acts of deviance (e.g., the War on Drugs). According to Vitale, modern policing “is largely a war on the poor that does little to make people safer or communities stronger, and even when it does, this is accomplished through the most coercive forms of taste power that destroy the lives of millions” (53-54). Policing as a whole is arguably an archaic system, at least in its present iteration. Change can be achieved only by either rebuilding or creating some new to take its place. However, Vitale doubts that this is possible during the present political climate.

Decriminalization as an Effective Solution

Vitale’s call for decriminalization is based on the ineffectiveness of existing police tactics and legislative policies to curb the nature of the crimes being targeted. Whether it be homelessness, sex work, gang suppression, or drug use, Vitale turns to foreign examples of how decriminalization has, in every instance, provided favorable outcomes for both the targeted community and the police. For instance, Portugal decriminalized all drugs in 2001, which allowed for a more health-centered approach and an open avenue to rehabilitation: “Studies have found significant reductions in heroin addiction, overdoses, and disease transmission (149).

Furthermore, Vitale argues that the US has had success in the past by decriminalizing alcohol and gambling in the US. In the case of the latter, this did not necessarily reflect the morals or the values of the prohibition period but rather, had always been unpopular in the eyes of the vast majority of Americans. Another area where he calls for decriminalization is the sex trade. He argues that criminalizing sex workers, like drug users, only serves to marginalize them further. The result is catastrophic as it leads to unsafe sexual practices and an inability to report criminal activity (e.g., theft, assault, etc.) for fear of being arrested themselves. Vitale states:

Policing has aimed not to eradicate prostitution but to drive it underground. This process leaves these workers without a means to complain when they are raped, beaten, or otherwise victimized, strengthens the hands of pimps and traffickers, and contributes to unsafe sex practices (113).

Creating laws suppressing these acts only serves to empower criminal activity and withhold government resources from the people who need them most. Criminalizing prostitution as a whole has largely been a failure as it continues to uphold a Christian or moralistic ethos at the expense of the safety of sex workers. Vitale argues that decriminalizing sex work has been beneficial for both sex workers. Vitale points to examples in parts of Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands where there are red-light districts that allow sex work.

Vitale warns that decriminalization of any sort only works if discretionary practices are removed from police officers (149). Thus, Vitale recognizes that decriminalization itself may not solve issues entirely but at least it is a start. Not only are police officers poorly equipped to handle these matters and have a history of using excessive force. He states:

There is also a strong tendency among police to view prostitution in highly moral terms. This can lead to minimizing the humanity of sex workers, because of their seemingly intractable involvement in behaviors police find personally offensive, or minimizing their agency in a kind of rescue mentality, in which police identify sex workers as victims in need of saving (109).

Additionally, decriminalization of these types of crimes would free up much needed money to combat societal issues via social services, healthcare, and education. This includes affordable (or no pay) housing for unhoused people, treatment centers for substance abuse users, access to pensions, benefits, and safe work environments for sex workers. In countries where police are not equipped or trained to be paramilitary forces, like Great Britain, money saved from funding them in this way is also used to hire social services agents equipped with the education and skill sets necessary to work with individuals in marginalized societies more effectively and humanely. Ideally the police should be working in conjunction with several agencies in combating inequality rather than being over tasked with responsibilities that they are neither trained nor suited for. Only then can community policing really be about community development and support.

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