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Thomas PaineA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Paine wrote this April 1777 essay during a lull in military action between American and British troops. Paine explains that the “enemy have long lain idle” (32) and compares the British to a “wounded, disabled whale” (32).
Paine reflects on the war’s events so far, and argues that memory, reflection, and a knowledge of history helps people form a “just opinion” (31).
Paine claims that the conflict has no neutral ground, and he labels Tories as traitors since they accept the rule of a foreign government. He further argues that Tories should be excluded from American democracy as electors and representatives as they do not identify themselves as citizens of America (34).
Paine argues that if Americans gained independence, they could manage their own affairs which would increase their wealth, which Paine claims has been limited by a jealous Britain. He rejects the notion that early settlers received British protection and argues that Britain actually neglected them, but as they grew prosperous they became “an object of profit to the greedy eyes of Europe” (35).
Paine argues that declaring independence was crucial for America to maintain its trade relationships and to avoid living in a state of “dangerous suspense” (37). He warns that a long, expensive military campaign may prompt Britain to parcel America off to sell it to other nations. Paine states that Britain is too “jealous,” “ignorant,” and “distant” to continue to govern America (37).
Paine argues that achieving independence is morally consequential for Americans. He observes that European wars are fought for “pride” and “fame,” and generally ruin both the conqueror and the conquered (38). Furthermore, he regards the British colonial system as engaging in the “commerce of death,” and he hopes that America’s geographic isolation could help it avoid “the miseries of endless European wars” (38) and embrace peace (39).
Paine lambasts the British for instigating the war in order to “plunder” America (44), and claims they never had any intention of peacefully negotiating with American representatives (50). The author concludes his essay by predicting that Britain is in danger of conflict with France and Spain and arguing that only independence will keep America safe from being embroiled in another European conflict.
Paine begins his fourth essay, written in September 1777, by stating that Americans who want to be free must prepare to make sacrifices. He admits that the colonist army suffered a recent defeat but claims that the American army will overcome General Howe and the British army. Paine claims that the British forces are weakening and that it would be impossible for them to conquer America unless the colonists allowed them to. He assures his readers that the colonists’ army was still whole and that their “strength is yet reserved” (56).
He urges Americans to not be dejected, and to embrace hope and courage to “kindle the whole heart into heroism,” persuading readers that they may save themselves “by a manly resistance” (56). He reminds Americans of the consequences they would face if “Howe, the chief of plunderers” (56) won the war and reiterates that it would be “sinful” to do nothing or lose hope. Paine concludes his essay with another direct address to General Howe, predicting his ultimate defeat in the war and scolds his position as the puppet of a tyrant.
In Paine’s third and fourth essays, he expands his theme of military strategy to offer an analysis of the British king and government’s worldview and motivations for prosecuting the war. He reflects on how Americans rejected the British law that all colonies would be bound to Great Britain and thus obliged to pay taxes to the Empire. He claims that Britain interpreted this rejection as “actual rebellion” and so claimed Americans’ property as its own to “repay themselves the expense of an army” (33). Indeed, he acknowledges the great expense of Britain’s war effort and compares Britain to a gambler on the verge of destitution.
Paine also claims that while America was open to peaceful negotiation with Britain, their enemy was not. He accuses the King of inciting conflict to give Britain a pretense for claiming the entire continent. He notes that the British King and Parliament did not respond to a petition from the American Congress, and instead began hostilities in April knowing that the American Congress would not convene until May. Paine explains that Congress then sent another petition to Britain, but that it was “not as harmonious as the chink of cash” to the British King, whom Paine calls a “tyrant” (41).
Paine tries to persuade his readers that Britain only ever wanted to conquer America and never had any intention of peaceably negotiating. He claims that the American Congress did not insist on a complete separation from Britain in the war’s early years but were open to negotiating new rights and freedoms for colonists, and that it was Britain’s lack of dialogue and violence that prompted Americans to fight for full independence (43). Paine provides direct quotations from a British Parliamentary debate to support his argument that Britain’s goal was to fully conquer America, which the British considered “insolent” and “obstinate” (50). Paine’s suggestion that a war with Britain was inevitable is meant to solidify Britain as an enemy before America took any actions against them. This argument paints America as an innocent bystander that must defend itself rather than a rebellious faction looking to foist off obligations.
Paine continues to offer insights into Britain’s military strategy while lacing such information with his own political views in order to persuade his readers. He estimates the British army’s numbers at ten or twelve thousand troops. He muses on General Howe’s next military strategy and chastens him for frequently changing battlegrounds, which Paine attributes to cowardice. Paine predicts that the British army will soon target Philadelphia in order to steal or destroy the city’s provisions. He calls British troops, “a band of thieves, who had rather plunder than fight,” and predicts their defeat (50).
As in his past essays, Paine announces that he wants to confirm the support of good men and persuade the Tories and others, such as the Quakers, to support American independence. His third and fourth essays mark a departure from his previous tone, however, as his rhetoric towards the Tories harshens. Paine acknowledges this significant change and explains that while in the past he gave them the benefit of the doubt, he now feels that the Tories, who he calls “miscreants” and “traitors,” have been given enough chances (54).
Paine reflects on the beginning of the war and claims that, unlike the Whigs and moderates, the Tories “sank into silent obscurity,” but did not justify Britain’s violent actions against the colonist militia (40). He accuses Tories of “hasty judgement” and following “ill principles,” which Paine claims has accidentally promoted the American cause and hurt the British cause (32).
Paine persuades his readers that since Tories have not contributed to the cause of independence, they should not be allowed to benefit from its systems, writing, “Shall disaffection only be rewarded with security?” (34). Thus, he revisits the idea of removing what he considers an “infestation” from the country. He proposes imposing a heavy tax on the Tories and Quakers in order to persuade them to change their allegiance. He argues that every American should choose to either swear allegiance to America or pay a heavy tax burden (53). He claims that the Tories are endangering the safety and property of the Whigs, and so their extra tax should go towards repairing British damage in American communities or rewarding heroic Americans. He then accuses the Tories of raising the prices of goods which disproportionately harmed the Whigs, since, he claims, they were more likely to be buyers than sellers since they were employed in the army and the public services.
Paine suggests that Tories should expect to go to jail or be executed by hanging. He also repeatedly rejects the Quakers’ position that waging war against Britain violates their religion’s pacifist values, since, he claims, supporting a British government would mean supporting violence and slavery in British colonies such as India and parts of Africa. Paine labels such people treasonous and urges them to leave America so colonists do not have to punish them or live among them. Paine condemns Tories’ motives as being filled with “avarice, downright villany, and lust for personal power” (45).
Paine continues to use poetic imagery to create an idealized revolutionary supporter who is motivated by the “ardent glow of generous patriotism” (58). Paine appeals to American gentlemen to support a “manly resistance” against the British (57). He invites all people with an “affection” for independence to contribute whatever services they can towards the cause, noting that not everyone can be a soldier, but may make some other valuable contribution (45).
Paine’s intention is to aggrandize his supporters, portraying them as morally upright and appealing to their assumed desire to epitomize traditional masculinity. Paine’s description of those on each side of the war is dichotomous and no longer has room for a “gray area” that empathizes with Tories. To Paine, the Tories are villains and opportunists; the Quakers’ argument is fallacious and does more moral harm than good; the British King is tyrannical; Howe is a coward; and Paine’s supporters are upright, courageous, and “manly.”
By Thomas Paine