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57 pages 1 hour read

Ty Seidule

Robert E. Lee and Me: A Southerner's Reckoning with the Myth of the Lost Cause

Nonfiction | Autobiography / Memoir | Adult | Published in 2021

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Chapter 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 2 Summary: “My Hometown: A Hidden History of Slavery, Jim Crow, and Integration”

Seidule’s hometown of Alexandria, Virginia is a suburb of Washington, DC that is home to many thousands of federal employees who have no affinity for ‘the South.’ Seidule, however, was born and raised there to parents with Southern roots. He experienced Alexandria as not merely an extension of the national capital but as a bastion of Southern culture and pride. When he was young, Seidule believed that his roots in Alexandria made him a “Southern gentleman.” While he was right that Alexandria does in fact have a special Southern history, there was an ugly side to that history that he did not appreciate until much later.

Seidule’s father taught at the prestigious Episcopal High School in Alexandria, which catered to wealthy families with the promise of helping their sons become Southern, Christian gentlemen. Part of this education involved revering the legacy of the Confederacy, especially Robert E. Lee, who was born in Alexandria. A Confederate veteran, or a descendant of one, served as the school’s headmaster for the better part of a century, and a campus memorial commemorates only Confederate alumni. The school taught young Virginians that their state was the most important in the nation, and that Virginians are by extension a higher class than other Americans. Yet, as Seidule investigates the history of his hometown, he finds that it has a far more complicated relationship with Virginia and the South. When discussions were underway to designate the area for a new federal capital, George Washington asked that Alexandria be included, as the capital would bear his name and Alexandria was the closest city to his home in Mount Vernon. With Alexandria, Washington, DC would constitute 10 square miles across Maryland and Virginia. Yet, in 1846, the people of Alexandria voted to leave the capital and rejoin Virginia, shrinking the size of the capital by a third. By that time, Alexandria had become central to the slave trade. As anti-slavery voices became more prominent in the US Congress, Alexandrians sought to protect their business interests. When Washington ultimately banned the slave trade in 1850, enslavers in the capital simply moved their business to Alexandria, further enriching the city. Alexandria served as a hub between the mid-Atlantic “slave states” and the Deep South, and thus became the point where many enslaved people were separated from their families.

At the outbreak of the Civil War, a minor skirmish in Alexandria led to the first death of a US Army officer, Elmer Ellsworth, along with the death of his killer. Both men became early martyrs for their respective sides, and even though Alexandria spent the majority of the war firmly in US hands, the city itself commemorated the dead Confederate James Jackson, as a plaque bearing his name was on display until 2017. During the war, Alexandria was a refuge for fugitives from slavery, many of whom died of disease. The cemetery for these self-emancipated and formerly enslaved people was long ignored and left to decay, and only recently have there been efforts to honor these deceased Alexandrians. Lack of widespread knowledge regarding this chapter of the city’s history is indicative of a broader effort to obscure the contributions of Black Americans. Whereas public life and education commemorated Lee and other Confederate generals, Seidule learned the story of Samuel Tucker, a largely self-taught lawyer who led efforts to desegregate Alexandria in the 1930s. While unsuccessful, he helped to generate publicity and introduced tactics of nonviolent resistance which the civil rights movement would later use to great effect. Following an honorable term of service in the Second World War, Tucker eventually led the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)’s effort to desegregate Virginia, and after the Supreme Court struck down segregation in Brown v. Topeka Board of Education, he filed the suits to demand state compliance.

Seidule knew little about Tucker’s efforts because Alexandria responded to the civil rights movement by intensifying its veneration of the Confederacy. All states running north to south were given names of Confederates at the very same time that a local court case challenging segregation was percolating into federal courts. The local United Daughters of the Confederacy unfurled a portrait of Lee in 1964, the same year as the Civil Rights Act. As a schoolboy in the 1970s, Seidule recalls a history textbook which downplayed the horrors of slavery and instead describes the relationship between enslaver and enslaved person as familial. The production of such textbooks resulted directly from federal efforts to push desegregation and secure the rights of Black Americans. For decades after the Brown decision, Alexandria politicians fought to evade or impede desegregation efforts, which proved easier to maintain in residential neighborhoods than schools. Federal pressure eventually compelled Alexandria to bus kids from racially homogenous neighborhoods to more diverse schools, inflaming already high racial tensions. As a result, Seidule left the integrated school he had attended for one year and entered a mostly white private school, as many white children did at the time.

Seidule now recognizes that the Virginian ideal of his youth was a body of ideas justifying a police state for Black Americans. It is both a suburb of DC and a Virginian city, and is making unsteady progress toward reckoning with its racist legacy. Many street and school names still honor Confederates, but in an encouraging sign, there is also a school named for Samuel Tucker.

Chapter 2 Analysis

Seidule’s relationship to his hometown of Alexandria epitomizes the irony of Confederate memorialization as history. Seidule believed that his childhood in Alexandria had steeped him in the genteel tradition of the Old South, especially given his geographical proximity to a childhood home of Robert E. Lee. When his future wife points out that Alexandria is essentially part of Washington, DC, he responds indignantly, as though she is denying him a part of his identity. One might acknowledge that the growth of the capital over the years had increased its influence over Alexandria. There are most likely thousands of federal employees who live in the city but would not consider themselves Southerners. As a young man, Seidule regarded this as an encroachment upon the city’s properly Southern character, and that to mistake the city for a mere suburb or extension of Washington is to deny its true history. Such an argument parallels the claim that efforts to remove Confederate statues, or emphasize the role of slavery and racism is an erasure of authentic history. Yet in both Seidule’s case and the broader culture of reverence for the Confederacy, what they regard as history is in fact a romantic gloss designed to obscure the real facts. This is why Seidule emphasizes that Confederate Memorials Are a Backlash Against Progress.

In the case of Alexandria, Seidule’s later research confirmed that his wife was even more right than either of them realized. Alexandria is not merely a suburb of Washington by virtue of its proximity, but was in fact part of the capital for the first half-century after its establishment. Alexandria likes to claim Robert E. Lee as a native son, but when he moved there as a child, it was a part of Washington. It rejoined the state of Virginia in 1846, but when the Civil War broke out in 1861, US forces promptly secured the city and would hold it for the entire war. The town’s connections to the Confederacy range are either tenuous or nonexistent, and yet Seidule grew up with memorials to Lee and the Confederacy all around him, from his home to his school to the names of city streets and celebrations of Lee-Jackson Day. Alexandria wants to represent itself as part of an unbroken Southern tradition of benevolent aristocracy stretching back to the Civil War and the American Revolution and colonial times. Where the original English settlers cultivated the virtues of the gentleman, the revolutionaries developed a mistrust of centralized authority. The Confederacy then combines those two qualities into the efforts of cultivated yeomen to resist an overly powerful federal authority, and following its defeat, preserve as much of the Southern legacy as possible from subsequent federal efforts to impose its own standards on the reset of the country.

Seidule discovers that this supposedly unbroken tradition is in fact a mishmash of cherry-picked myths and half-truths that have been hastily cobbled together to address more modern political concerns. Some contradictions are obvious upon inspection: Virginia reveres both Washington and Lee, eventually fusing their names in a single school, but Washington worked to establish the Federal Constitution for which he served as the first president, and personally willed that Alexandria be a part of the federal capital as a token of his affection for the place. Lee rejected that same Constitution, and went to war with the city bearing Washington’s name, all to protect slavery. The supposedly genteel aristocrats of the Old South treated enslaved people with hideous cruelty, imposing a nightmarish regime of torture, rape, and the forcible separation of families. During the Civil War, the people of Alexandria appeared to accept US authority without protest, even during the Army of Northern Virginia’s two invasions northward.

The primary connection between Alexandria and the Confederacy has nothing to do with Southern honor, and everything to do with slavery. The city separated from Washington, DC to protect its financial interest in the slave trade. After the war, Alexandria rebranded itself as a Confederate city to justify the reimposition of white supremacy and resist federal attempts to ensure the equality of Black citizens. It appropriated a history of Southern resistance, of which it took no part, to claim a historical precedent for its resistance to integration. Alexandria’s reputation as a crown jewel of the Confederacy is an artificial history papering over a more sobering reality. It erases the true Civil War of Alexandria, which served as a rare Virginian refuge for fugitives from slavery, who were then packed into segregated shantytowns and many hundreds died of disease. It erases the history of Black Alexandrians who fought the system of Jim Crow, including the right to sit and read a book at the library, decades before the civil rights movement entered the national consciousness. It erased any part of history which might prove the equal worth of Black citizens and thereby challenge the prevailing power structures. The entire system of statues, street names, and textbook hagiography is not history, but the concealment of those parts of history which might raise uncomfortable questions about the present. Seidule eventually learned to reexamine his own identity and come to grips with the real history which had been concealed for so long, and he believes it is past time for the city and state of his birth to do the same.

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