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53 pages 1 hour read

Wendy Warren

New England Bound

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2016

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Part 3-EpilogueChapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 3, Chapter 7 Summary: “The Selling of Adam”

Samuel Sewall moved to New England as a child in 1661. He became a wealthy merchant in Boston and served as a justice on the Massachusetts Colony Supreme Court. Sewall was one of the judges at the Salem witch trials, an experience he later regretted and even apologized for. In 1700 Sewall authored a pamphlet entitled “The Selling of Joseph” in which he called for slavery to be abolished, arguing that all humans are God’s creations and should not be enslaved. His pamphlet was the first anti-slavery writing by a New England colonist. Sewall idealized the initial generations of colonists who came from England to establish a “city on a hill” full of godliness and purpose. In his writing he expresses disappointment that successive generations of colonists lost their values, and he accuses them of being motivated by greed.

Sewall admitted in a diary entry that he had long been uncomfortable with slavery and that hearing of other anti-slavery activity, such as petitions and taxes on enslaved people, motivated him to write his manifesto. Sewall’s diary reveals that he had had many encounters with enslaved and free African and Indigenous people in his decades of working as a merchant. He was also aware of the slave rebellions that occurred in Jamaica. While Sewall never traded in enslaved people, he did trade food goods to colonist buyers in the West Indies. Warren argues that this experience made Sewall quite informed on the topic of slavery.

Sewall’s pamphlet was named after the biblical story of Joseph, who was sold into slavery in Egypt by his own brothers. Sewall’s analysis of the story emphasizes the criminal nature of Joseph's sale and questions the legitimacy of commodifying any person. He refers to scripture that condemns anyone to death who “stealeth a man and selleth him” (264). Warren argues that by basing his argument on the unchristian nature of selling and enslaving people, Sewall failed to persuade his audience, most of whom were convinced that God permitted slavery.

Contemporary New England leader Cotton Mather wrote that strict hierarchy, which included “permanent vassalage,” was a natural feature of human society (266). While Cotton Mather was not opposed to slavery, he argued in his work “Rules for the Society of Negroes” that enslaved people should be given the opportunity to convert to Christianity through weekly religious teachings. These meetings would only be available to obedient enslaved people; he encouraged them to reject anyone who rebelled against their enslaver or ran away. Sewall, on the other hand, felt that even if enslaved people benefitted religiously from their contact with the English, slavery was too sinful to make these conversions worth it. In spite of their differing opinions, Sewall and Mather were friends.

Sewall’s anti-slavery stance attracted criticism from other colonists. John Saffin, a prominent merchant and enslaver, wrote “A Brief and Candid Answer” in which he made the “common sense” argument of the time: that God designed and ruled over an inherently hierarchical world. Saffin noted that enslaving Africans was legitimate because they were foreign and that freeing enslaved people would inconvenience enslavers who had spent money on them. Furthermore, Saffin felt that even if enslavers could be compensated, freed enslaved people must be sent out of the country since he believed they could not integrate into American society. He ended his article with a derogatory poem about Black people.

Saffin loaned one enslaved man named Adam to his tenant in Bristol, who found him rebellious and difficult and took Saffin to court over the failed contract. Saffin blamed his tenant for the enslaved person’s behavior, arguing that he was too lenient with him and neglected to discipline him adequately. Warren argues that the enslaver-enslaved dynamic was dependent on the enslaver’s “willingness to resort to violence,” or else enslaved people learned that their “own resistance was not useless” (279). This is why colonies passed specific slave laws: to ensure that individual enslavers with more lenient views would not corrupt the whole system of slavery. Remarkably, as Saffin’s lawsuit with his tenant dragged on, Adam sued for his freedom and won.

Warren considers how Samuel Sewall developed such “radical” abolitionist ideas, considering his personal relationships with some enslaved people and his regret over the Salem witch trials as possible influences. New England’s colonists did not embrace Sewall’s views, however, and enslavement in the region increased over the following century. Even Sewall’s own son became involved in the trade.

Other colonists were also critical of slavery, and called for its reform if not its abolishment. Morgan Godwyn penned “The Negro’s and Indians Advocate” in which he criticized cruel enslavers and argued that Black and Indigenous people should be given the opportunity to convert to Christianity. A preacher, Godwyn preached against slave ownership; he called it a sin and accused enslavers of greed. A few years later in 1684 an Englishman named Thomas Tryon published a document called “Friendly Advice to the Gentleman Planters of the East and West Indies” in which he lamented plantation-owning enslavers’ brutal treatment of enslaved people.

Warren cites other evidence that shows that some of America’s colonist population was uncomfortable with slavery. In the late 17th century, Quaker meetings in Pennsylvania critiqued slavery, calling it unchristian and preaching that colonists should not buy enslaved people unless they wanted to free them.

The Quakers produced pamphlets that discussed the cruel treatment of enslaved people, including punishments and family separations, to try to persuade readers to oppose the now-ubiquitous system of slavery.

Epilogue Summary

Warren argues that New England’s colonies were economically and culturally connected and that by the 18th-century slavery was an “accepted and familiar” part of life across the region (287). Slavery in New England continued to increase until the late 1700s. By 1783-1784 colonies such as Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Massachusetts either banned slavery or legislated that children of enslaved women must be freed at some point in their lives. Warren argues that anti-slavery laws were partly a response to the agitation of enslaved and free Black New Englanders, many of whom had been in the region for generations. Additionally, the American Revolution may have prompted some colonists to reconsider enslavement, and, fortunately, enslaved people were a minority of the workforce.

The author reflects on how quickly Anglo-Americans seem to have forgotten about New England’s slave-owning past. She refers to Nathaniel Hawthorne’s 1838 writing in which he expresses amazement at seeing free Black people in rural Massachusetts. Hawthorne wonders if they all came from New York originally. Warren argues that a couple centuries after colonists settled New England, “the memory of violence and Indian removal and replacement had faded” (290). The author concludes her work by reiterating that colonization and slavery developed in tandem, with each reinforcing the other.

Part 3-Epilogue Analysis

In her final passages Warren develops her theme on Religiosity and Morality in Colonist Perspectives on Slavery. By discussing Samuel Sewall, Morgan Godwyn, Thomas Tryon, and the Quaker community’s anti-slavery views, the author showcases the rare voices of dissent to slavery in England and New England in the 17th century. Warren’s examination of these texts adds nuance to her work, showing that even in the 17th century colonists held differing views on slavery.

Her quotations from these texts help illustrate how each writer framed his argument. Sewall and Godwyn argued passionately against slavery itself, while Tryon focused on enslavers’ cruel treatment of enslaved people. Yet each writer grounded his argument in biblical authority, referring to scriptures and stories that condemned slavery. For instance, Sewall used the biblical story of Joseph being sold into slavery by his brothers as an analogy for colonists’ enslavement of Africans. In doing so, Sewall reframed Africans for his colonist reader by comparing them to Joseph, an innocent and sympathetic person who was wrongly commodified and mistreated by his brothers and the slave traders. Warren summarizes Sewall’s argument:

Since the brothers had no right to sell him, Sewall argued, the buyers had no right to purchase him, and the sale was illegal; with this move he put the burden of guilt on the buyer, finding them complicit in the purchase…Because no amount of money could be a fair price for freedom, Sewall concluded that all enslavement was illegal and immoral (264).

Sewall supported his argument by quoting from Exodus: “‘He that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death’” (264). Thomas Tryon, meanwhile, chastised the violence and cruelty of enslavers and invited the reader to empathize with enslaved people who labored in brutal conditions in the West Indies. Warren explains that his “entire piece rested on the assumption that the tenets of Christianity prohibited, if not slavery itself, then the harsh treatment of slaves that it produced in practice” (260).

Morgan Godwyn, who was a preacher, also relied on Christian teachings to bolster his anti-slavery views. He criticized enslavers who did not give their enslaved people religious instruction and wondered if they were exploiting enslaved people’s status as non-Christians as an excuse to mistreat them. Godwyn argued that “masters who kept their slaves in ignorance of that religion were sinners themselves” (260). Warren’s detailed analysis of these primary sources and their authors’ rationales reinforces her argument that colonists’ based their morality on their Protestant faith and interpretations of the Bible. Because of the Bible’s diverse references to slavery and the colonists’ differing interpretations of them, Warren’s analysis shows that members of this relatively religiously homogeneous group came to have very different views on the legitimacy of enslavement.

However, the author makes it clear that anti-slavery arguments were “radical” at the time, and while anti-slavery colonists existed, they were grossly outnumbered by pro-slavery neighbors. Warren contends that most colonists were unmoved by Sewall’s arguments, even with his references to scripture, because they were entrenched in a particular religious worldview that condoned slavery. The author explains, “English colonists in New England knew that God had in fact allowed slavery, just as he had allowed servitude of other sorts, just as he had allowed mastery and ownership. Their world rested on just such an understanding” (265). Saffin exploited this worldview in his rebuttal to Sewall, when he “scoffed and invoked what was truly common sense at the time…that the world was built in a hierarchical manner, governed by one God, and organized into myriad crucial levels of status and responsibility” (275). By discussing the average colonist’s reactions to Sewall’s views, Warren illustrates that, while English people in 17th century New England did hold differing views on slavery, the vast majority of colonists approved of the system.

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