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Rebecca SolnitA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Author Rebecca Solnit and her friend Sallie wish to leave a party they are attending but the host, “an imposing man who’d made a lot of money” (1) insists that they stay so he can talk to her. He patronizingly asks her about her writing and the content of her books. Although she has written books on several diverse subjects, Solnit begins “to speak only of the most recent […] River of Shadows: Eadweard Muybridge and the Technological Wild West” (2).
The host interrupts her to ask if she has “heard about the very important Muybridge book that came out this year” and is soon “telling [her] about the very important book—with that smug look [Solnit] know[s] so well in a man holding forth, eyes fixed on the fuzzy far horizon of his own authority” (2). Sallie has to interrupt him and “say, ‘That’s her book’ three or four times before he finally [takes] it in” (3). This information “confuse[s] the neat categories into which his world [is] sorted” and renders him speechless for a moment “before he [begins] holding forth again” (4).
Solnit declares that the “out-and-out confrontational confidence of the totally ignorant is, in [her] experience, gendered” (4). It frequently results in women not wishing to speak out or not being heard when they do, “indicating, the way harassment on the street does, that this is not their world” (4). Even Solnit, who has “a fairly nice career as a writer” and has had “more confirmation of [her] right to think and speak than most women,” struggles with this at times, letting men like “Mr. Very Important” (5) talk over her.
This had wide implications because “[c]redibility is a basic survival tool” (6). Extreme examples of this can be found in “those Middle Eastern countries where women’s testimony has no legal standing: so that a woman can’t testify that she was raped without a male witness” (6). In the U.S., there are similar issues with women receiving restraining orders against violent men. Much of feminism’s progress also revolves around credibility, which has been at “the heart of the struggle of feminism to give rape, date rape, marital rape, domestic violence, and workplace sexual harassment legal standing as crimes” (7).
Solnit recalls another gathering, some years after the party, in which “Mr. Very Important II sneer[s] at [her]” (9) as he attempts to “correct” her on something she knows and he does not. Although she has researched the subject extensively for one of her nine books, Solnit still finds his scorn “so withering, his confidence so aggressive, that arguing with him seem[s] a scary exercise in futility” (9). She later confirms that she is, indeed, correct. Solnit observes that, in various fields, “women fight wars on two fronts, one for whatever the putative topic is and one simply for the right to speak, to have ideas, to be acknowledged to be in possession of facts and truths, to have value, to be a human being” (10-11).
In the postscript, Solnit observes that the original article “circulated like nothing else [she has] done” and “struck a chord. And a nerve” (12). Although some men “got it and were cool,” other “[m]en explained why men explaining things to women wasn’t really a gendered phenomenon” (13). The word “‘mansplaining’ was coined soon after the piece appeared” (14), although Solnit did not use it and is skeptical about its value.
Men talking over women expresses power, and this power is the same as the power expressed through “intimidation and violence” (15) and hierarchical social organization. It “silences and erases and annihilates women, as equals, as participants, as human beings with rights, and far too often as living beings” (15), as part of a “continuum that stretches from minor social misery to violent silencing and violent death” (16).
Solnit discusses the occurrences of sexual assault against women. In the United States, “there is a reported rape every 6.2 minutes, and one in five women will be raped in her lifetime” (19). Moving beyond only reported rapes, “the estimated total is perhaps five times as high,” meaning that “there may be very nearly a rape a minute in the United States” (22). Likewise, “[s]o many men murder their partners and former partners that we have well over a thousand homicides of that kind a year” (23). Despite such figures, in the United States, “the rape and gruesome murder of a young woman on a bus in New Delhi on December 16, 2012, was treated as an exceptional event” (19).
According to Solnit, this reflects a refusal to acknowledge the fact that, throughout the world, there is “a pattern of violence against women that’s broad and deep and horrific and incessantly overlooked” (20). The author reasons that while “violence doesn’t have a race, class, a religion, or a nationality, […] it does have a gender” (21). Although most men are not violent abusers, “virtually all the perpetrators of such crimes are men” (21). If we were to acknowledge the scale of such crimes then we would also have to “talk about what kinds of profound change […] nearly every nation needs” and “about masculinity or male roles, or maybe patriarchy, and we don’t talk much about that” (23). However, Solnit continues, the “pandemic of violence always gets explained as anything but gender, anything but what would seem to be the broadest explanatory pattern of all” (24-25).
Describing such abuse as “a system of control,” Solnit points to large scale examples of sexual violence throughout the world and to series of individual cases of men’s violence against women, committed by both marginalized men and “rich, famous, and privileged guys” (28). Men’s violence is “the number-one cause of injury to American women” and a “woman is beaten every nine seconds in this country” (29). Solnit elaborates that similarly, “[w]omen worldwide ages 15 through 44 are more likely to die or be maimed because of male violence that because of cancer, malaria, war and traffic accidents combined” (29-30).
Violence and the threat of violence “constitute the barrage some men lay down as they attempt to control women, and fear of that violence limits most women in ways they’ve gotten so used to they hardly notice—and we hardly address” (30). According to Solnit, this takes place in private, in public, and online, and is even “embedded in our political system, and our legal system” (32). The 2012 election campaign saw a “spate of crazy pro-rape” (32) statements from Republican candidates and more recently “Congressional Republicans refused to reauthorize the Violence Against Women Act because they objected to the protection it gave immigrants, transgender women, and Native American women” (33).
The “so-called war of the sexes is extraordinarily lopsided when it comes to actual violence” (34) with men committing the vast majority of violent crimes. This points to the fact that there is “something about how masculinity is imagined, about what’s praised and encouraged, about the way violence is passed on to boys that needs to be addressed” (35). Solnit proposes that until then, men’s violence will continue in vast numbers, and women’s lives will be “dogged by, drained by, and sometimes ended by this pervasive variety of violence” (36). Ultimately, she maintains that it is “your job to change it, and mine, and ours” (38).
Solnit wonders: “How can I tell a story we already know too well?” before declaring: “Her name was Africa. His was France. He colonized her, exploited her, silenced her” (41). She offers other examples of this colonial dynamic too: “Her name was Asia. His was Europe. Her name was silence. His was power” (41). Finally, she introduces the case of Dominique Strauss-Kahn and Nafissatou Diallo by noting that the “extraordinarily powerful head of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), a global organization that has created mass poverty and economic injustice, allegedly assaulted a hotel maid, an immigrant from Africa, in a hotel’s luxury suite in New York City” (42). She wonders: “Who would ever write a fable as obvious, as heavy-handed as the story we’ve just been given?” (42).
Originally, the IMF’s remit was ostensibly to “to be a lending institution to help countries develop” (45). However, it soon became ideologically driven by a focus on “free trade and free-market fundamentalism” and began using “its loans gain enormous power over the economies and policies of national throughout the global South” (45). Returning to the familiar story, Solnit states: “Her name was Africa. His name was IMF. He set her up to be pillaged, to go without health care, to starve. He laid waste to her to enrich his friends. Her name was Global South” (45). Although it lost power in the 21st century, the “IMF was a predatory force, opening developing countries up to economic assaults from the wealthy North and powerful transnational corporations” (46).
After news of Strauss-Kahn’s alleged behavior spreads, the news media begins reporting other “accounts, long suppressed or anonymous, of what they [call] Mr. Strauss-Kahn’s previously predatory behavior toward women” (46). According to Solnit, this “says something about the shape of our world and the values of the nations and institutions that tolerated his behavior and that of men like him” (47). Two days before the incident, Solnit’s friend was a groped on a busy subway and Solnit remembers her own experiences of such abuse at the hands of a man. She notes that his “actions, like so much sexual violence against women, was undoubtedly meant to be a reminder that this world was not mine, that my rights […] didn’t matter” (49).
Solnit continues, describing how the “IMF’s assault on the poor […] is part of the great class war of our era, in which the rich and their proxies in government have endeavored to aggrandize their holdings at the expense of the rest of us” (50). However, Solnit believes that things are changing, albeit slowly. In 2008, Bill Clinton made “one of the more remarkable apologies of our era” (50) when he noted that his own government and organizations like the IMF were wrong in their treatment of food as a tradable product. The same year, Federal Reserve chairman Alan Greenspan acknowledged a failure in his economic policies. In 2010, activists managed to stop the IMF from exploiting Haiti’s devastating earthquake as an excuse to trap the country in deeper debt. In this sense, the “struggles for justice of an undocumented housekeeper and an immigrant hotel maid are microcosms of the great world war of our time” (53). This changes the familiar tale: “His name was privilege, but hers was possibility […] the possibility of changing a story that remains unfinished” (53).
In the postscript, Solnit explains that the “essay was written in response to the initial reports” of the incident before Strauss-Kahn got the case dropped “through the massive application of money to powerful teams of lawyers” (54). Nafissatou Diallo, “[l]ike other women and girls who’ve been raped” (54), had her character attacked and was accused of lying and being a sex worker. Despite evidence including Strauss-Kahn’s semen on Diallo’s clothing and several other women coming forward with stories about his abusive behavior, the story of Strauss-Kahn’s innocence was widely circulated. Diallo won her civil case against Strauss-Kahn; however, “one part of the terms involving what may have been a substantial financial settlement was silence. Which brings us back to where we began” (55).
The first essay introduces two key characters Mr. Very Important I and Mr. Very Important II. Mr. Very Important I is “an imposing man who’d made a lot of money” (1) and the host of a party Solnit attends. After insisting that she talk to him, he patronizingly asks her about her writing. When she begins talking about her latest book, he interrupts her to tell her about “the very important Muybridge book that came out this year […] with that smug look [she] know[s] so well in a man holding forth, eyes fixed on the fuzzy far horizon of his own authority” (2), entirely unaware that he is actually discussing Solnit’s book. This highlights a key theme of the book: gender roles. Central to Mr. Very Important I’s assumption that he is better position to talk about the book than Solnit is the fact that he is a man and she is a woman. Conditioned to conform to mainstream gender roles, he expresses the “out-and-out confrontational confidence of the totally ignorant [that] is, in [Solnit’s] experience, gendered” (4). Indeed, when Solnit’s friend finally manages to get him to hear that the book is, indeed, Solnit’s, he cannot make this information fit into his narrow understanding of gender roles. The information “confuse[s] the neat categories into which his world [is] sorted” and renders him speechless for a moment “before he [begins] holding forth again” (4).
Mr. Very Important I’s gendered behavior also demonstrates an important motif: men’s silencing of women. In talking over Solnit about a book that she had, in fact, written, he drowns her out, assuming that her voice is less informed and less important that his own. Such assumptions discourage women from speaking out and discourage men from listening when they do. As Solnit observes, it has the effect of “indicating, the way harassment on the street does, that this is not their world” (4). Solnit also links this silencing to violence against women, another of the book’s central themes. She notes that “[c]redibility is a basic survival tool” (6) and that, in situations where women’s voices are silenced and discredited, they are far more vulnerable to sexual violence and even murder. Alluding briefly to another key theme—feminism’s progress in securing women’s rights—she also notes that attaining credibility has been at “the heart of the struggle of feminism to give rape, date rape, marital rape, domestic violence, and workplace sexual harassment legal standing as crimes” (7).
The same issues play out in the behavior of Mr. Very Important II, who “sneer[s] at [Solnit]” (9) as he informs her that she is misinformed about something about which she has, in fact, written a book. Again, this is a silencing experience because Solnit finds his scorn “so withering, his confidence so aggressive, that arguing with him seem[s] a scary exercise in futility” (9). This pattern of silencing is so widespread that “women fight wars on two fronts, one for whatever the putative topic is and one simply for the right to speak, to have ideas, to be acknowledged to be in possession of facts and truths, to have value, to be a human being” (10-11). Demonstrating how this functions as a part of a “continuum that stretches from minor social misery to violent silencing and violent death” (16), Solnit links silencing women and violence against women by observing that men’s casual assumption that they are better informed than women expresses the same power as that which is expressed through “intimidation and violence” (15) and hierarchy or social stratification.
The same themes and motifs are present in Essay 2. Violence against women, in particular, is central to the essay as Solnit provides several statistics about the scale of sexual and domestic violence in the U.S. and throughout the world. Again, Solnit links this to gender roles, observing that “violence doesn’t have a race, class, a religion, or a nationality, but it does have a gender” and that “virtually all the perpetrators of such crimes are men” (21). Thus, she reasons, to counter such violence we must talk “about masculinity or male roles” (23) and “about how masculinity is imagined, about what’s praised and encouraged, about the way violence is passed on to boys” (35). However, in actuality, the “pandemic of violence always gets explained as anything but gender, anything but what would seem to be the broadest explanatory pattern of all” (24-25) and this can be seen as another expression of the motif of silencing women. This is true in the sense that there is “a pattern of violence against women that’s broad and deep and horrific and incessantly overlooked” (20), suggesting that women’s voices and lived experiences are consistently silenced and ignored. However, it is also true in the sense that such violence operates as “a system of control” (28) used to directly silence and limit women. Solnit emphasizes how this can be seen in “the barrage” of violence and threats that “some men lay down as they attempt to control women” (30) and is even “embedded in our political system, and our legal system” (32), something that is evident in the “spate of crazy pro-rape” (32) statements from Republican politicians that effectively constitute men inaccurately “explaining” men’s sexual violence against women to women.
Violence against women is also a central theme in Essay 3, which discusses an incident in which Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the “extraordinarily powerful head of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), a global organization that has created mass poverty and economic injustice, allegedly assaulted a hotel maid, an immigrant from Africa, in a hotel’s luxury suite in New York City” (42). In this essay, Strauss-Kahn, a key character in the book, comes to represent power, privilege, and men’s violence. He also represents that immunity often afforded to men who maintain high-profile careers despite numerous accusations of “predatory behavior toward women” (46). Such tolerance for powerful men’s abuse, as Solnit notes, “says something about the shape of our world and the values of the nations and institutions that tolerated his behavior and that of men like him” (47), allowing Strauss-Kahn to, again, serve as an example of power and privilege at play.
More than this, however, Strauss-Kahn’s actions symbolize colonial violence and the neo-imperialism of the IMF and other Western institutions and governments. Solnit repeatedly highlights this symbolic connection, asking: “How can I tell a story we already know too well? Her name was Africa. His was France. He colonized her, exploited her, silenced her” (41) and, even more explicitly, asserting: “Her name was Africa. His name was IMF. He set her up to be pillaged, to go without health care, to starve. He laid waste to her to enrich his friends. Her name was Global South” (45). In Strauss-Kahn’s sexual violence against Diallo represents the colonial exploitation of the IMF and the West more generally. Indeed, it does so so neatly that Solnit even asks: “Who would ever write a fable as obvious, as heavy-handed as the story we’ve just been given?” (42).
However, she also suggests that this analogy works both ways and the “struggles for justice of an undocumented housekeeper and an immigrant hotel maid are microcosms of the great world war of our time” (53), or the increasingly effective resistance to Western exploitation. She makes this symbol explicit too, by suggesting: “His name was privilege, but hers was possibility […] the possibility of changing a story that remains unfinished” (53). Despite this brief, optimistic allusion to feminism’s progress, the postscript notes that Strauss-Kahn’s privilege allowed him to get the case dropped “through the massive application of money to powerful teams of lawyers” (54). The symbol of silencing returns here in the discussion of how Diallo, “[l]ike other women and girls who’ve been raped” (54), was maligned in the press as a liar and a sex worker, destroying her credibility and drowning out her voice. This motif is present even in Diallo’s successful civil case because “one part of the terms involving what may have been a substantial financial settlement was silence (55). Solnit starkly connects this to the other forms of silencing by noting that this “brings us back to where we began” (55).
By Rebecca Solnit