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58 pages 1 hour read

Erik Larson

In the Garden of Beasts

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 2011

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Part 4Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 4: “How the Skeleton Aches”

Part 4, Chapter 20 Summary: “The Führer's Kiss”

Dodd meets with Hitler in the chancellor’s immense office: "Hitler, ‘neat and erect,’ wore an ordinary business suit" and “did not cut a particularly striking figure" (157). Dodd knows, however, that “the man had a remarkable ability to transform himself into something far more compelling" (158).

 

Hitler promises to punish those who have attacked Americans. Dodd asks about the German withdrawal from the League of Nations. Hitler becomes angry and rails against the French attempt to retain military superiority over Germany. Dodd asks whether Germany would go to war if, say, France makes an incursion into Germany’s industrial Ruhr Valley; Hitler answers that he would call for an international conference but that “we might not be able to restrain the German people" (159).

 

Both Dodd and Messersmith write to Washington: Dodd is optimistic, while Messersmith says Hitler’s assurances “are on the whole too good to be true" (159).

 

Hanfstaengl drives Martha to the Kaiserhof Hotel, where she is to meet Hitler. They sit for lunch with a famous Polish tenor. Hitler’s entourage arrives and they call the tenor over to the chancellor’s table to discuss music. Then Hitler summons Martha.

 

“Hitler rose to greet her. He took her hand and kissed it and spoke a few quiet words in German" (161). His eyes “were startling and unforgettable [...] intense, unwavering, hypnotic" (161). Martha remembers him as “modest, middle class, rather dull and self-conscious—yet with this strange tenderness and appealing helplessness" (161). She returns to her table and notes that Hitler “would look her way, with what she judged to be ‘curious, embarrassed stares’” (161).

They do not meet again. Diels returns to his old post as head of the Gestapo. He invites Martha “to attend an upcoming session of the Reichstag arson trial" (162). 

Part 4, Chapter 21 Summary: “The Trouble with George”

A new law bans marriage between Jews and Gentiles; another forbids abortion except in the case of mixed-race babies; yet another permits euthanizing “incurables” and others considered defective. Meanwhile, “[a]ttacks against Americans continued, despite Dodd’s protests, and the prosecution of past cases seemed languid at best" (164).

 

Dodd, unable to do much about Germany, focuses on embassy expenses, trying to trim overlong telegrams to Washington and the culture of daily parties and late-morning work starts. His report rankles higher-ups “who sustained and endorsed the foreign-service culture" (165). Dodd also worries that the embassy’s Jewish staffers “impaired the embassy’s relationship with Hitler’s government" (165).

 

Messersmith writes to Phillips in Washington that the Nazis believe Jews are running the Roosevelt administration. Phillips, who dislikes Jews, is aware that some American anti-Semites "described the presidency of Franklin Roosevelt as the ‘Rosenberg administration’” (167). Dodd, dissatisfied with Messersmith, writes to Phillips suggesting he reassign the consul general, but “he was unaware that Phillips and Messersmith maintained a regular and frequent exchange of correspondence" (168). 

Part 4, Chapter 22 Summary: “The Witness Wore Jackboots”

Martha’s ticket to the arson trial gives her a seat near the front. Göring and Diels arrive late. Göring is the star witness; he gives a three-hour speech to cheers and applause. Diels initially believes only one man, Marinus van der Lubbe, set fire to the Reichstag: "Hitler and Göring, however, had immediately decided that the Communist Party was behind it and that the fire was the opening blow of a larger uprising" (171). Hence, there are five defendants.

 

Georgi Dimitrov, a Bulgarian communist charged in the arson, offers a rebuttal. He and Göring spar verbally, Dimitrov taunting the German until he rages, “You wait till I get you out of the power of the court, you crook!” (173). The threat makes headlines: “[I]t provided a knife-slash glimpse into the irrational, lethal heart of Göring and the Hitler regime" (173).

Martha is impressed by Dimitrov, “a brilliant, attractive, dark man emanating the most amazing vitality and courage [she has] yet seen in a person under stress. He was alive, he was burning” (173). 

Part 4, Chapter 23 Summary: “Boris Dies Again”

Martha and Boris visit a roadside Christian shrine. Inside, they find “a particularly graphic rendition of the Crucifixion. The face of Jesus was contorted in an expression of agony, his wounds garish with blood” (174). Boris crosses his feet and spreads his arms wide, telling Martha that he would die for her. Martha isn’t amused.

 

Boris wonders why Christians “adore the sight of a tortured man” (174). Martha counters that they adore his sacrifice. Boris doubts that many of them would also sacrifice themselves. Martha cites the example of Dimitrov at the arson trial. Boris replies, “but he was a communist" (174). 

Part 4, Chapter 24 Summary: “Getting Out the Vote”

On November 12, 1933, the German people vote for delegates to the Reichstag—all choices are Nazi party members—and on whether to leave the Versailles Treaty. The Nazi Party “took extraordinary measures to get people to vote" (176), threatening reluctant citizens. Of all eligible voters, “96.5 percent did so. Of these, 95.1 percent voted in favor of Hitler’s foreign policy" (176). Dodd writes to Roosevelt, “The election here is a farce” (177).

 

On November 16, the US recognizes the Soviet Union. Dodd visits the Russian ambassador but won’t take a picture with him, fearing “that certain reactionary papers in America would exaggerate the fact of my call and repeat their attacks upon Roosevelt for his recognition" (178). 

Part 4, Chapter 25 Summary: “The Secret Boris”

Despite the diplomatic thaw between the US and Russia, Martha and Boris continue to keep their relationship quiet. They become closer, but she still dates other men, including Diels, “and this drove Boris wild with jealousy" (179). Misunderstandings abound; they break up, get back together, break up again. At lunch one day, each confesses they’re already married. Boris has a daughter but has separated from his wife.

Martha realizes that “something fundamental had occurred" and she could “no longer treat him in the same way she treated her other conquests" (183). 

Part 4, Chapter 26 Summary: “The Little Press Ball”

On November 24, the annual Little Press Ball, hosted by the Foreign Press Association, takes place at the Adlon hotel, where invited dignitaries, correspondents, movie stars, and family members crowd the glittering ballroom.

 

At the head table, Sigrid Schultz asks Vice Chancellor Franz von Papen—who had been a military attaché in Washington during the First World War—why “the German High Command never heard anything about the peace suggestions of President Wilson" (187). Papen denies any such overture. Dodd, who knows well the history of his friend Wilson, chimes in: “‘Oh yes there was.’ And gave the precise date" (188). Dodd adds that the US entry into the war occurs “through the sheer, consummate stupidity of German diplomats" (190).

 

Bella Fromm enjoys the ball but worries about her friend, fellow columnist Wera von Huhn, who doesn’t attend. Wera will soon be out of a job because her grandmother is Jewish, and she’s depressed about it. The next morning, Fromm visits Wera’s house, where she finds the woman lying in bed, dying of an overdose. The foreign office declares that Wera’s death is due to “pneumonia.” 

Part 4, Chapter 27 Summary: “O Tannenbaum”

The Christmas season’s decorations push back against the chill: “Candles appeared in every window and large trees lit with electric lights graced squares and parks and the busiest street corners” (194). Martha trims the family tree in white and silver.

 

Dodd’s enemies in the State Department continue to plot against him. Rumors fly that Dodd may quit soon; reports point to Marsha and Bill’s partying as a source of embarrassment for the embassy. Dodd finds he can’t trust embassy staff, fearing they’ll report his words to Washington.

 

Dodd learns that the arson trial will convict the original suspect, van der Lubbe, but exonerate the rest, including Dimitrov, whom Göring despises and will likely murder after the trial. Dodd and Associated Press Chief, Louis Lochner, agree that they might derail Göring’s homicidal intent if news of the plot is revealed beforehand. To protect AP’s Berlin office from Göring’s rage, they arrange for the story to break in a British paper. Göring’s office issues denials, but the plan seems to work: “Dimitrov’s ultimate fate, however, remained unclear” (203). 

Part 4 Analysis

Demagogues often can seem ordinary. Hitler, in person, seems almost drab, quite unlike the demagogic speaker he becomes in public. In conversation, he can be quiet and polite, and occasionally humorous, with little to suggest that he’s dangerous, aside from sudden rages that blow up and disappear like a summer storm. Only his piercing eyes betray the intensity within.

 

It’s popular for outsiders to paint Hitler as a hideous monster, as if he has horns, red skin, and a tail, someone easy to recognize and reject. In fact, demagogues can’t accede to power without intelligence, personal charm, and the persuasive powers of a salesman. Even the worst humans are, after all, human; leaders must be approachable to their subordinates or they’ll be unable to sway the masses.

 

A Communist is blamed for the Reichstag fire of early 1933, but historians believe it is set by Nazis in a “false flag” operation meant to generate public hatred of Communists. Either way, it provides Hitler with the perfect excuse to increase his authority over Germany. He gets President Hindenburg to sign a decree that suspends German civil liberties; thereafter, Hitler is free to arrest people he doesn’t like and to push bills through the Reichstag that restrict the rights of Jews.

 

Though his coalition gives him plenary powers in March 1933, Hitler wants no trace of opposition remaining within the government. To guarantee passage of anti-Semitic and other bills, Hitler arranges for a new election in November 1933. Using propaganda, SA intimidation, and the banning of all opposition parties, the Nazis acquire 100% of the Reichstag seats. The legislative body is now a rubber stamp for Hitler’s agenda, but—much like the ancient Roman Senate under the rule emperors—it creates the illusion of democracy.

 

When a vote is 95% in favor of a candidate or issue, it’s almost a guarantee that the party has fixed the vote. Near-unanimous votes from a nationwide plebiscite is a characteristic of the Soviet system, where only one party may stand for election, and where voting against a candidate presents a physical risk. The Nazis, ostensibly mortal enemies of the Communists, find themselves using the same electoral system.

Hitler’s withdrawal from the League of Nations points out the futility of that organization, widely considered a “paper tiger” with little authority. The US refuses to join, stripping the organization of much of its leverage. 

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