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Vladimir LeninA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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Imperialism is the end result of capitalism, not a corruption of, or intrusion into, capitalism. Capitalism becomes imperialism at a very late stage of its development. Imperialism can be defined as “the monopoly stage of capitalism” (112). A few large banks govern finance capital. This capital merges with the capital of certain industrialists to gain monopolist control over the entirety of global territories divided up for the imperial powers’ gain.
Imperialism has five basic features. First, capital is centralized and monopolies created. Second, financial oligarchy exists due to the transition to bank capital and then finance capital. Third, the export of capital replaces the export of goods and services. Fourth, international monopolies form that merge monopolies in individual nations. And fifth, the world’s territories are divided among the largest capitalist empires.
Lenin critiques Czech-Austrian philosopher Karl Kautsky. Kautsky focuses on industrialism rather than on finance capital, the principal evil. As the “principal Marxist theoretician” (113), Kautsky should be capable of giving a faithful analysis, but his perspective simply does not take into account the prime features of late-stage capitalism In fact, it “signif[ies] a rupture with Marxist theory and Marxist practice” (116). The politics of imperialism are severed from the economics; the system as a whole is not seen with true depth.
The capitalist-imperialist system features monopolies and divides the world. Therefore, it is a highly unstable political system that can only end in violent revolution. The vast disparity that it creates fosters disunity and disillusionment. Kautsky believes that imperialism can feature peaceful governance. Lenin believes this is delusional. The only result of imperialism and global colonization is war.
Imperialism is parasitic, and “like all monopoly, it inevitably engenders a tendency of stagnation and decay” (126). States receive the vast proportion of their wealth by extracting usurious profits from extra-national sources. For example, Great Britain, between the years of 1865 and 1898, increased its income from sources abroad by 900%.
This dynamic has greatly improved conditions in imperial states while leading to a decrease in conditions elsewhere, without an increase in wages or benefits. The proletariat has let itself become servants to the bourgeoisie. Capitalist monopolies and the colonizing process continually strip new territories of their resources and labor.
Imperialism—and capitalism more generally—exacerbates class division and causes great disparity. Academics and upper-class scholars defend the system. Publicists and economists naively pander an image of capitalist imperialism as conducive to peace. If imperialist nations could unite for the sake of some peaceful goal, it would still be a unity of “internationally united finance capital” (150), giving rise to the same conditions and simply adding another step in the process.
Peace is the precondition, and preparation, for war. The style of governance does not matter; what matters is the devotion to the capitalist system which encourages the struggle for power and domination at the expense of freedom.
Imperialism is “monopoly capitalism” (156). Monopolies rise out of the concentration of production when the capitalist system has taken root and moved into a highly developed state. Second, monopolies take hold of all (or most) raw materials and resources. Third, monopolies grow out of banks and their centralization of bank and finance capital in service to the financial oligarchy. Fourth, monopolies spring from colonial policies that exploit developing countries and the colonies of the most developed capitalist powers.
The result is a decaying global economy, preyed upon by the parasitic desires of capitalist imperialism and the “usurer state” (158).
Imperialism is the natural result of capitalism, not an example of decay or extrinsic imposition or accidental growth. Imperialism is capitalism’s final stage; it only appears at the very tail end of a capitalist regime. It is part and parcel of what capitalism actually means.
Ironically, the very system that initially champions free trade and competition inevitably leads to late-stage capitalism and imperialism which do the exact opposite: They destroy free trade via the creation of monopolies. This is the reason that Lenin defines imperialism as the monopoly stage of capitalism.
Early capitalism thrives on free trade and entrepreneurial endeavors. The monopolies of late-stage capitalism reverse this trend and reward monopolistic policies and practices. Regardless of the political system of governance, true power lies with those whose wealth dictates the ebb and flow of the economy; in this case, the financial oligarchy in league with banks. The transition to finance capital at the expense of classical trade and production makes a financial oligarchy possible. A small circle govern this imperialist system and hold all capital.
Finance capital replaces labor, along with goods and services. Money creates more money while exploiting new colonies in developing countries for cheap labor. National monopolies transition to global, international monopolies that control international relations and set global markets, from which none can escape. The international monopolistic imperialists can determine where and how their capital is being multiplied.
Lenin takes Karl Kautsky, the foremost Marxist theorist of his time, to task:
“Kautsky argued that there was nothing inevitable about imperialism,” writes Tom Bramble. “It was only a ‘policy’ of annexation preferred by finance capital and the arms industry and could be combated by another capitalist policy that did not involve annexation of territory and which would be advantageous for other sections of capital. Further, Kautsky argued, as blocs of finance capital came to dominate ever larger parts of the world, they might eventually unite in the form of ‘ultra imperialism,’ what he called the ‘joint exploitation of the world by internationally united finance capital.’ The big powers would no longer need to go to war to settle disputes.
“Lenin took apart Kautsky’s ‘ultra imperialism,’ continues Bramble, “for both its logical flaws and its political implications. The international cartels that Kautsky believed could be the basis for a peaceful division of the world were only an example of the division and constant re-division of the world. Specifically, the old imperial powers Britain and France controlled vast swathes of Africa and Asia; Germany, by contrast, had very few colonies. But Germany was the far more dynamic industrial power by the early twentieth century; it was inconceivable it would be content with its exclusion from large areas of the world. There could, therefore, be no ‘internationally united finance capital’ sharing out the spoils of colonialism.” (Bramble, Tom. “Understanding war: Lenin’s ‘imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism.’” 2022. Mronline.org.)
Public relations and academic scholarship can’t alter the parasitic nature of imperialism. Even if empires united to impose peaceful relations between all countries of the world, it would still be an alliance of capitalist imperialists beholden to finance capital and the monopolies that have created their vast wealth. This peace would be a false peace. In capitalism, peace is only the preamble to violence and war.
The subjugation of the proletariat can’t last forever. At some point, the status quo will change, and the means will be violent.