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62 pages 2 hours read

Jill Leovy

Ghettoside

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2015

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Part 2, Chapters 13-16Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2, Chapter 13 Summary: “Nothing Worse”

Following Bryant’s death, Wally Tennelle found that he felt no anger or desire for retribution; “[i]nstead, there was only pain. Inescapable pain” (131). Other family members had similar experiences, grieving in (to them) odd, unexpected ways. Wally and Yadira resolved to be strong, to endure, and “not to let the murder of their son darken their souls” (132). Tennelle even largely refused time off from work, taking just three days before returning. However, it was others who seemed to be unable to process their grief: coworkers unable to act or talk normally around them, unsure what to say to the people who had just lost their son. It eventually became so frustrating for Wally that he had to ask Prideaux to ask his colleagues to stop offering their condolences so that he could get some work done.

Armando Bernal had gotten the case. He was an experienced homicide detective; however, he was not aggressive, and the case eventually stalled. Like Skaggs, he worked tirelessly on the case; unlike Skaggs, however, his style was more reserved. As the case stalled, resentment rose—RHD still felt it should have received the case and bristled at the fact that it had gone to Bernal. More problematically, though, was that Tennelle’s colleagues began to criticize his decision to live in the 77th, going so far as to suggest this should have been expected. Wally’s friends defended him, but he likewise second-guessed himself. He believed that people in the 77th “deserved good cops. Committed cops. Cops who were willing to live in their neighborhoods” (137). Outwardly, he stood by his decision; inwardly, however, he began to feel as if he had failed his son by raising him there. 

Part 2, Chapter 14 Summary: “The Assignment”

In July, Officer Francis Coughlin was on patrol when he came across a group of young men drinking in Nickerson Gardens. The group fled, including one in a wheelchair, who Coughlin saw tossing aside a bag of marijuana; Coughlin didn’t care about the drugs, but he used drugs as a pretext to search for guns. As it turns out, the man in the wheelchair was carrying an old revolver. He arrested the man and sent the revolver to the firearms lab.

Although the LAPD had a hi-tech system known as the National Integrated Ballistic Information database (NIBIN), at the time, the system had never successfully matched a bullet to a gun, and manual matching proved to be better still. The job of finding the gun that was used to shoot Bryant Tennelle fell to Daniel Rubin; in August, the revolver seized by Coughlin finally made its way to Rubin. After checking and rechecking it, Rubin determined that it was a match. Because of the high turnover of the illegal gun market in Los Angeles, it was unlikely that the man in the wheelchair was a suspect; however, this did mean that he was connected somehow in a chain of people.

Lyle Prideaux had, since Bryant’s death, been reassigned as detectives’ lieutenant in South Bureau Homicide; as the case was getting cold, he believed it needed a shake-up. When he asked around, Skaggs’s name continually came back to him. Though the two had never met, Prideaux decided to assign Skaggs to the case alongside Bernal. Neither Bernal nor Skaggs was happy with that arrangement; the two worked very differently, and for Skaggs, in particular, this meant that Bernal worked incorrectly.

His belief regarding Bernal was rooted in his opposition to what he called “checklist work”—work that gave the appearance of justice while in reality simply going through the motions. Leovy explains that this style of justice is part of the systemic, racist justice system: “[w]hite conservatives” in the South, for example, “favored legal systems that looked the part, but still achieved their racist intent—a ‘winking’ system that, by design, just went through the motions” (153). Eventually, this meant that white people had the law while black people did not; as a result, black society was lawless, which, as Leovy has argued elsewhere, engenders gang violence and communal justice. During the second great wave of black migration, this had explosive results in the riots of the 1960s:

Black protest against overzealous police and prosecutors remains a cherished template for left-leaning critics of criminal justice. But another, profound grievance of the period went mostly ignored—the inadequacy of official response to black-on-black violence (156).

Leovy writes that “[r]eformers focused on the rights of the defendants, seemingly blind to the ravages of underenforcement” (157). When the pendulum swung back the other way, the result was draconian sentencing policies; however, “[s]ince it’s not the harshness of punishment but its swiftness and certainty that deters crime, black people still had good reason to feel unprotected” (157).

Skaggs and Bernal finally had it out; after taking it to Prideaux, Prideaux took Bernal off the case. Despite their differences, Leovy notes that Bernal did much of the initial legwork that laid the ground for Skaggs, a sentiment echoed by even Skaggs’s staunchest defenders. However, Skaggs was simply the right person for the job at the time. 

Part 2, Chapter 15 Summary: “Everybody Know”

Skaggs was required to work with a partner on the case; as Barling was no longer available, he chose Corey Farell, with whom he had recently been working. However, when Skaggs needed to re-interview the man in the wheelchair from whom Coughlin had retrieved the revolver, Farell was tied up, so he took Rick Gordon along with him, the two being “arguably the two finest ghettoside detectives in the city at that time” (162).

When Skaggs and Gordon returned to interview the man, he had already been interviewed several times by various combinations of detectives, including both Gordon and Skaggs. However, “[t]o Skaggs, it was obvious the man in the wheelchair was lying” (163). Gordon took lead and asked the man to elaborate upon his earlier claim that he had gotten the gun from a homeless crack addict. At first, the man stuck to his story; however, when the detectives were about to leave, he finally recanted and told Gordon and Skaggs that he had gotten the gun from a gang member nicknamed No Brains of the One Hundred and Eleven Blocc Crips. The detectives promised to keep the man in the wheelchair’s name out of everything, but in the end, they would go back on that.

Skaggs recalled a detail from earlier: after Bryant’s killing, his friend, Chris Wilson, and Chris’s older brother had gotten into a fight with who they believed to be Bryant’s killers, and it was reported that one of the group was a member of the Rollin’ Nineties, who were related to the Rollin’ Hundreds. A database search told Skaggs that the one member, a sixteen-year-old probationer, had recently been taken into custody.

When Skaggs met with the probationer, “he had none of the swagger that might have been expected from a hardened Rollin’ Nineties Crip. His eyes were full of tears” (169). He promised to help as long as he didn’t have to appear in court (as with the man in the wheelchair, he did end up having to appear in court). He told Skaggs and Farell that, as they had heard many times before, everybody in the neighborhood knew who the killer was: “It was no mystery—except to the police” (169). The boy had been in Hot Springs, Arkansas visiting family when he heard that a gang rival had been shot; soon after, he found out it had actually been a police officer’s son and was told to stay in Arkansas: “People were mad about it. ‘That Baby Man from Bloccs is stupid,’ someone said” (170). Skaggs now had two names related to the killing; Baby Man was revealed to be Devin Davis. However, though people knew him, the identity of No Brains remained elusive: “The case now had not just direction, but momentum” (171).

No Brains was later discovered to be Derrick Starks, who was currently being held in jail under the wrong name. He was currently being held due to a car crash connected to a parole violation. The report stated that there had been a girl in the car; the man in the wheelchair had mentioned that Starks hung out with a “good girl,” so Skaggs viewed this as an opening. As with Starks, though, it took some effort to find the real name of the girl, who turned out to be Jessica Midkiff

Part 2, Chapter 16 Summary: “The Witness”

Jessica Midkiff was 22 years old; she had been a prostitute for years prior, but at the time she was taken in to be interviewed by Skaggs, she was trying to adjust course, having recently left a rehab program designed to treat prostitution like an addiction. She seemed fully willing to cooperate, which made Skaggs “wary. She seemed a little too willing […] His first instinct was to dismiss her presentation as an act” (176). He had initially believed she might have been a “knowing getaway driver” and planned for an adversarial interview, but “faced with her near hysteria, he dialed it back” (177). Midkiff promised to cooperate, but as with the others, wanted her name kept out of it and did not want to testify in open court. She had been with Derrick Starks, and Starks had abused her; he had been calling her from prison, and though she wanted to be rid of him, she feared for her family.

As Skaggs and Midkiff talked, his ideas about her began to shift: “She still seemed a likely liar. But he wasn’t seeing the usual signs. He couldn’t read her” (179). He read her rights to her, but when he mentioned the shooting off Western, she was confused—it turned out that Starks had crashed his car because of a car-to-car shooting, but that had taken place elsewhere. However, once Skaggs had established which shooting he meant, she was forthcoming, though terrified.

On May 11, after spending the night at a cheap hotel with Starks (something they did frequently), she had wanted to drive Starks’s truck, the black Chevy Suburban. As they were driving, they picked up two other boys, one of whom was Devin Davis; she didn’t get a good look at Davis, though, because Starks wouldn’t allow her to look at other men for too long. Davis taunted the other boy, telling him that he wasn’t “real crippin’.” They drove to the Eighties, where Starks handed one of the other boys a gun. Davis said he was going to take care of some business and left the car. She heard gunshots; Davis returned, and they raced away.

Midkiff’s personal story “was typical of south-end prostitutes, that is, it was sordid, dramatic, and monotonous” (183). However, Skaggs also saw that “Midkiff was atypical in some ways”: she was a drinker and chain-smoker, but not a drug addict, for example, and “[s]he was clearly bright despite her lack of formal education” (183). Skaggs still viewed her with some suspicion; however, this was because he “couldn’t see that Midkiff actually was at one of those rare crossroads in life. She was telling the truth: she wanted to change, but she didn’t know how […] this interview was a turning point” (183).

As the evening wore on, Skaggs became more certain that Midkiff was telling the truth. Her memory was impressive; Skaggs“was astonished by how well she remembered the sequence of events seven months before,” and more so, that she was confident in her story, one that never changed, even when Skaggs tested her (184). Midkiff hadn’t been aware that anyone had died in the shooting; it was common to hear gunshots that don’t land, so the events of that day didn’t stand out for her. By the end, Midkiff agreed to testify in court.

Part 2, Chapters 13-16 Analysis

Leovy frequently draws parallels between different walks of life—e.g., between the police and gang members. An interesting parallel she draws in Chapter 15 is that of familial life between the Tennelles, Starks, and the probationer. Bryant Tennelle is described as being different from the rest of his family: whereas DeeDee and Wally Jr. were standout students, Bryant struggled, even if not with behavioral problems (at least not later on). Both the probationer and Starks are described similarly: the probationer’s parents and older siblings had done well for themselves, whereas he was unable to stay out of trouble; Starks is likewise described as the troubled younger brother (173). However, Leovy is careful not to lay the blame on any one thing, including parents; that is, Bryant isn’t presented as having escaped gang life because of the virtue of the Tennelles, compared to the probationer’s family. The probationer’s father, for example, sought to help his son any way he could, including taking the extreme step of reporting him to his probation officer himself, resulting in a stint in jail. This isn’t to say that it is entirely luck and circumstance, but Leovy makes clear that circumstance is a major factor in how lives turn out.

Another important question raised by the book is the role of criminal justice in society. Earlier in the book, this question is raised through methods of policing—i.e., proactive versus reactive, with the brass favoring proactive rather than reactive. Here, Leovy claims that “one of the primary reasons to have a legal system is to take certain people out of the picture,” building on Skaggs’s claim to Midkiff that they can take Starks out of the picture for her (178). This suggests that criminal justice is primarily punitive, and many in the United States would agree with that assessment. However, not everyone agrees that the main role of criminal justice is punitive; another view holds that it should be rehabilitative, instead, focusing on rehabilitating criminals in order to reintroduce them as productive members of society. Leovy writes that “[w]hen violent people are permitted to operate with impunity, they get their way” (178); this may be true, but it is worth differentiating between violent people and violent acts. This dovetails with questions of circumstance, and elsewhere in the book, the author suggests that many in places like South Central partake in violent acts because of circumstance, rather than an innate desire. Skaggs is later described as not even believing in life sentences; here, though, the tenor of the conversation calls to mind the notion of the “super predator,” and it is more representative of the hardboiled, pessimistic ethos that suggests that people, at their core, are bad, and the law’s purpose is to stop them from being bad. 

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