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Vine Deloria Jr.A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
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In this essay, Deloria veers away from the impact of federal regulations on Indigenous groups and explores the negative impact that they have experienced at the hands of academia, specifically anthropologists. He describes teams of students and professors as an invading horde: “[F]rom every nook and cranny in the East they emerge, as if responding to some primeval fertility rite, and flock to the reservations” (78).
Unlike government lawmakers, who Deloria views primarily as self-aware enemies of Indigenous people, the anthropologists see themselves as “friends” with the goal of helping tribes by studying them and publishing endless papers about what Native people are really like. He sees a massive irony in the fact that many of the anthropologists receive large grants to fund this research. If the academics care so much about helping Indigenous Americans, he argues, why don’t they give that money directly to the subjects of their studies?
Deloria presents a multi-fold case against anthropologists. One major problem, he believes, is that academia’s obsession with publishing groundbreaking findings leads them to draw grand conclusions about entire cultures, ignoring any nuance in order to publish a paper that will impress the faculty of whichever university they represent. Thus, statements like “Indians are not only bilingual, THEY ARE BICULTURAL” become rallying cries of academic victory despite their lack of any real world meaning or implications (81). Another major issue is the tendency for anthropologists to primitivize their study subjects. When they observe Native people participating in modern society rather than appearing sufficiently traditional, anthropologists view it as a problem to be corrected: “Indian people begin to feel that they are merely shadows of a mythical super-Indian” (82). Deloria specifically points out the contemporary tradition of workshops for “young Indian leaders” as a driver of this forced primitivism. These classes, run by white “friends,” simultaneously treat their young attendees as experts on their own culture and attempt to empower them to embrace “real” indigeneity, while at the same time ignoring the older, more worldly and better educated Native people, who are viewed as corrupted by the white world.
Missionaries were some of the first white people to attempt to assimilate tribes rather than kill them. Church representatives began to convert Indigenous people to Christianity well before the United States became an official country. Chapter 5 explains the history of missionary work in the United States, and the various ways in which Christians (who, like anthropologists, often see themselves as “friends” to Native people) have damaged Native community life.
Deloria divides reservation missionary history into several distinct periods. Prior to 1870, the primary goal was “de-paganization,” which Deloria believes came relatively easily to the missionaries. Pre-contact cultures in North America did not have the same divide between church doctrine and social/political life found in Christian societies; worship was deeply entwined into everyday life, and ritual practice required dedication and/or sacrifice. Thus, “Christianity destroyed many Indian religious practices by offering a much easier and more practical religion” (102). Deloria describes the period from 1870-1930 as the golden age of missionary work. Most Native people had been exposed to Christianity at that point, and churches had begun staking claim to individual tribes a decade earlier. During that period, missionaries had enormous influence over reservation life, and Indigenous religions were heavily oppressed. Deloria argues that what the Christians really wanted was not Christian piety, but assimilation into an Anglo-Saxon lifestyle, which the Native people would less readily accept.
By the 1960s, Deloria sees a decline in the influence of the church in reservations. He argues that Native people have always preferred their traditional worship structures over Christianity and only accepted the Christian framework to avoid arrest, as Native religion was made illegal in the wake of the Ghost Dance movement. By the 1960s, he reports that Indigenous religions across the country are undergoing major revitalization and that the Native American Church, formerly a taboo organization with poor attendance, is gaining more and more popularity. The Christian churches, meanwhile, attempt to cling to relevance by holding church services during major Indigenous celebrations, such as the Great Plains Sun Dance. Deloria is hopeful that, as time progresses, Native communities will reject Christianity completely.
This chapter primarily focuses on the history and function of the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA), the federal agency tasked with managing tribal aid and relations. Originally a bureau in the Department of War, the BIA was transferred to the Department of the Interior (DOI) in 1824 with a new mission of providing aid to tribes. Deloria points out that this reflects a shifting white construct of Indigenous Americans from a dangerous enemy force to a pitiable people in need of protection. He jokes that they protected Indians better than the buffalo and the passenger pigeon, but that Native people might not see it that way.
One major issue Deloria points out is the lack of BIA offices in the places where they are needed most. There are 10 regional offices, with each managing several states. However, most BIA officials tend to focus more on the tribes closer to them physically than those hundreds of miles away. Thus, even the most well-meaning BIA workers are spread very thin, and tribes receive varying amounts of attention and quality aid.
Although Deloria believes the BIA should be better staffed and less geographically centralized, he defends the agency. Many well-meaning white people, and some Indigenous Americans, view the BIA as a paternalistic organization that keeps Native people in poverty. Deloria argues that without the BIA and the reservation system, as dysfunctional as it is, Indigenous culture would have disappeared in the United States. The BIA remains the only federal agency dedicated specifically to assisting Indigenous communities, even if it is a flawed organization.
Deloria believes that the main strike against the BIA is not how it functions day to day or the services it attempts to provide, but the way the agency is viewed in other parts of government and the system by which it coordinates with tribes. Although the BIA is sufficiently funded, most money is earmarked for specific wide-scale programs initiated by bureaucrats with little to no contact with reservations. Other agencies like the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO), Department of Labor, Federal Housing Authority (FHA), and Economic Development Administration (EDA) fund projects with grants, which can be written to fit specific needs of individual tribes and reservations. Near the end of the chapter, Deloria proposes five specific changes to the BIA that he believes would rapidly improve the agency: “Programming by Size of Tribe,” “Discretionary Funds,” “Tribal Employment Would be Civil Service,” “Reorganization of the Bureau of Indian Affairs,” and “Disposition of Federal Responsibility to Indians.”
The middle chapters of Custer Died for Your Sins: An Indian Manifesto expand on how specific, mostly white groups have influenced Indigenous American life in both negative and positive ways. He dedicates one chapter each to anthropologists, missionaries, and the government, the three major non-tribal forces at work in reservations. These chapters are constructed much in the same way as previous essays. Deloria presents specific and often very ironic examples of dysfunction in Indigenous-white interactions, then explores what these anecdotes can reveal about that relationship on a larger scale. As usual, the writing is consistently humorous and reveals key information about the changing nature of Native people’s place within white America.
Deloria sees the anthropologists, missionaries, and bureaucrats as three arms of a larger Anglo-American hierarchy and argues that they have all played a part in The History of Indigenous Oppression in the United States. Even if individuals within these systems do not actively want tribes to assimilate, the system itself is designed toward it. For example, a missionary may believe wholeheartedly that they are saving Indigenous people from hell, rather than robbing them of their culture. However, as more tribe members turn to Christianity, Indigenous religious customs and social structures based upon them become less relevant, and thus white clergymen attain more control over tribal politics than traditional religious leaders. Similarly, an anthropologist may see themselves as a “friend” to the Native people and may believe that their research will serve to protect endangered cultural traditions. In practice, though, they often see Indigenous ceremonies and traditions as artifacts of an idealized, untainted past. In the eyes of many academic “experts,” Indigenous-led attempts to update traditional cultural practices for the modern world is a sign that the “real” version of that practice is at risk, rather than a natural trend of cultural evolution.
For the most part, Deloria believes that anthropologists should step away from studying Indigenous people completely. He balks at the massive expense incurred by elaborate summer research trips and wonders why, if the people truly care about preserving Native culture, there is not a system of payment in exchange for access and information. He is also highly critical of the modern missionary system. Older missionaries, he writes, often lived on the same reservation for years and eventually integrated into the local culture. He sees a disturbing trend within the modern missionary class: Individuals and couples are sent to reservations for short mission trips without any cultural context or personal relationships with the people there. He sees these new Christians as more condescending and dismissive of Native voices than their predecessors.
Deloria also speaks to Native Resistance and Cultural Revitalization, making it clear that Indigenous people have consistently resisted assimilation but often had to adopt to the white lifestyle simply to survive. Early attempts at large-scale resistance included the Ghost Dance movement of the 1890s. The movement was inspired by a vision that Northern Paiute holy man Wovoka had during an 1889 solar eclipse. He believed it would bring the spirits of the dead into contact with the living. Spirit warriors would assist the western tribes in resisting westward European expansion once and for all, and all Native people would live in unified harmony. The Ghost Dance itself was based on the circle dance, a ritual found throughout many traditional belief systems throughout the world, including many Native tribes. Tribes across the country began performing the Ghost Dance, which prompted the US government to ban Indigenous religious practices altogether. Deloria interprets this as a fear response: Government officials knew that if Native people could band together to retain their traditions, assimilation may not be possible. With these direct restrictions on traditional practices, Indigenous cultural practices were forced underground. Many embraced Christianity, at least on the surface, and pan-tribal groups like the Native American Church became taboo subjects on reservations apart from a few adherents, who were seen as radical. These details indicate not only Indigenous resistance to assimilation but, by showing how Indigenous people actively and collectively worked against US attempts to suppress their religious and cultural practices, the text upends the infantilizing stereotype about the “Indian plight” commonly held by white society.
Deloria himself was an Episcopal clergyman, and as a professor and tribal leader, he had direct personal contact with many church officials, anthropologists, and government personnel. These facts lend credence to his evaluation of Indigenous-white relations. Most anecdotes are taken from personal stories about his interactions with white academics, other church leaders, and in tribal council meetings. In every situation, Deloria’s conclusion is very similar; Indigenous people would be better prepared to survive in the modern United States if white leaders trusted them to make their own decisions.