45 pages • 1 hour read
Antjie KrogA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Race plays an integral part in South Africa’s history before, during, and after apartheid, and by extension, plays an enormous role in Country of My Skull. Virtually every aspect of the text involves race to some degree, from the bare facts of the TRC’s formation and operation, to how people use language, to the ways different people process their emotions. Everything about the TRC rests on different racial points of view.
Race divisions are apparent from the opening chapter of the text, where conflicting political parties—the ANC and the NP—argue over the creation of the TRC. The ANC and NP’s disagreements continue even as the TRC goes about its work. Both parties initially refuse to cooperate with the TRC, then eventually do, but only to a point. The NP claims that the ANC runs the TRC and that the ANC will therefore demonize the NP regardless of what it does. The ANC balks at the notion that anyone might hold it accountable for atrocities committed while fighting a just war against apartheid.
Black and white victims process their grief differently, and Krog chooses to highlight those differences starkly. Where black victims often come across as devastated but honorable, standing tall even as they grieve and feeling satisfied either finally knowing the truth about their loved ones or being able to tell their stories, white victim testimony, as Krog presents it, typically reads as self-righteous, lacking weight, or both. Several white victims laugh off their experiences as not being so bad, or suffer losses but are able to obtain good medical care quickly, while black victims do not have the same luxuries. White victims describe attacks in country clubs or on vacation while black victims describe attacks in their own—often rundown—homes. Whites, even as victims, have privileges that blacks do not due to the system that favors them.
Questions of race become significantly more complicated when applied to white versus black perpetrators. Tying into the depiction of political parties, the tendency is to label white perpetrators as evil, liars, and weapons of a racist system while black perpetrators receive pardons due to acting in the name of justice. Perpetrators seem held to different standards depending on whether they are on the oppressing or oppressed side of history.
Black and white journalists covering the TRC handle information presented during the hearings differently as well. Whereas blacks at the time had been enduring human rights violations on a regular basis for years, whites were less aware of what was taking place, and therefore hearing testimonies about abuses they had neither seen nor heard of takes a significant toll on their emotional and mental well-being. However, despite black journalists insisting they can better handle the revelations of the TRC, Krog later discovers that they simply process their anger and trauma by internalizing it, leading to out-of-character behaviors as their trauma bubbles to the surface.
Racial divides persist outside of the TRC, through the general populace, as well. In particular, Afrikaners struggle to process the new realities of South Africa, as many of them feel victimized by the TRC. They feel as though their entire culture is under attack and, in response, many lash out or make excuses. Some express feelings of concern that they will not be safe in a country ruled by the ANC, and they worry that blacks will take revenge on them for the atrocities of apartheid. While they often turned a blind eye to apartheid—sometimes willfully, sometimes through ignorance—whites seem largely unprepared to deal with the consequences of having benefited from an unjust system.
As an Afrikaner woman reporting on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), Krog exists in an odd space between privilege and lack of it, and her experiences with the TRC cause her to question and redefine her own identity over and over again. Krog summarizes her feelings towards the end of the TRC process:
I stand, caught unaware by […] the knowledge that I am white, that I have to reacquaint myself with this land, that my language carries violence as a voice, that I can do nothing about it, that after so many years I still feel uneasy with what is mine, with what is me (285).
Early in the TRC process, with the first amnesty applications, Krog realizes that she has more in common with perpetrators like Dirk Coetzee than with the black victims, and the thought disturbs her. She does not want others to lump her with people who committed gross human-rights violations, but her culture, language, and mannerisms are theirs. Krog also reverts to submissive behaviors in the presence of the Afrikaner men that remind her of how she behaved when younger and more exclusively immersed in Afrikaner culture.
Krog’s struggle, while unique to her, is also representative of struggle taking place through all of Afrikaner culture during the TRC process. Many Afrikaners were unaware during apartheid of what blacks in South Africa endured, and many of those who did know did nothing to change the situation because it did not affect them personally. As the extent of the abuses comes to light, many of those Afrikaners react with anger at being “lumped in” with those who did commit violence, asserting that since they personally were not involved, they cannot and should not face the same accountability of those directly involved. However, prevailing feelings from many blacks suggest calling into question Afrikaner culture as a whole and holding it accountable as that culture is what gave rise to apartheid and allowed it to continue for so long.
By the time the TRC publishes its report, there is little headway into healing the rifts between whites and blacks. Afrikaners who feel that South Africa is their rightful home also feel disenfranchised, as though they have lost their place. Some live in fear, worrying that blacks will take revenge on them for the atrocities of apartheid. Some believe that blacks deserve to make Afrikaner lives miserable as compensation for the years of apartheid. Some, like Krog, wish to find a way forward but don’t feel as though they know how, as there is no guidance from Afrikaner leadership as to what would heal the wounds. Krog offers no solutions, only hope that Afrikaners can re-examine themselves and their culture and find a way to bridge the gap between themselves and their black countrymen.
Trauma plays a significant role in Krog’s text, as a subject of discussion, a factor in the experiences of those giving testimony and those hearing testimony, and in structuring the narrative. Victims of apartheid, black and white, all experience trauma whether they themselves suffered attacks, were present during the injury or murder of loved ones, or only found out about violence done to their loved ones after the fact. The struggle to find meaning in what has happened and a lasting impact on mental, physical, and emotional health underpins nearly every victim’s testimony. While some do eventually find relief in having their story told or finally knowing what happened to someone they lost, they still must figure out how to move forward after their lives have irreparably changed.
Perpetrators often experience trauma as well as they process their own actions. Much of the testimony from individuals who carried out torture and murder, particularly for those lowest on the chain of command and without real authority of their own, contains similar internal experiences to that of the victims. Like the victims, many perpetrators experience physical, mental, and emotional changes that impact their health and ability to engage with others.
Those tasked with hearing and processing the testimonies of victims and perpetrators experience a sort of trauma-by-proxy. Towards the beginning of the first victim hearings, Krog and her fellow journalists begin showing signs of trauma, including physical reactions (rashes, hair falling out) and emotional reactions (lashing out at others, inability to control their emotions). In listening to the trauma of others, the journalists experience that trauma vicariously and similarly must find ways to cope and move on in a changed world. Even the Commissioners themselves feel the strain. As one psychologist observes: “Most of the commissioners are experiencing harrowing physical illnesses” (224).
This phenomenon ultimately extends to the country as a whole, where those learning of the atrocities of apartheid for the first time and those who knew what was happening but did nothing to change the situation must process their own form of trauma. South Africa itself suffers from trauma and must find a way to move forward from its wounds.
Krog’s narrative style reflects this traumatic process. Just as a traumatized person must collect pieces of themselves and try to move forward with whatever they have left, Krog presents the TRC process as a series of fragments coming together to form a not entirely cohesive whole. Her narrative is a patchwork of politics, emotion, fact, and poetry, covering everything from historical and political context to academic discourses on truth and justice to Krog’s personal search for her own fractured identity.