65 pages • 2 hours read
Bryan Burrough, John HelyarA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
The stock market crash of October 19, 1987, which brought the RJR Nabisco share price from the mid-sixties to the low forties, marked “the beginning of Johnson’s road to ruin” (103). Johnson’s attempts to mend the situation failed, even when food prices rose. To him, stock performance was “something of a report card” (103). Johnson considered merging with a food company such as Pillsbury. Shareholders like Clemmie Dixon Sprangler, Jr., the president of the University of North Carolina, blamed Ross for the company’s poor performance. Sprangler and Sticht were both interested in an LBO through Citibank. Sprangler informed Johnson of his LBO idea at $70 a share. Johnson—who did not show his true feelings—was in shock and considered Spangler’s proposal “crazy” (106). Citibank’s proposal was $65 a share, with 10% going to Johnson. Johnson rejected the latter proposal and had CFO Harold Henderson “read Sticht the riot act” (107). Instead, Johnson launched a buyout, purchasing 20 million shares at $52 to $58, then another 21 million shares at $53.50. $1.1 billion was spent on company stock, but the share price was back in the mid-forties.
At that time, mergers and acquisitions were “the ultimate creature of Wall Street because win, lose, or draw, they produced fees” (108). J. Tomilson Hill (Tom Hill), of the Shearson M&A (mergers and acquisitions) Group, for which RJR Nabisco was a client, felt that Johnson “was ripe to do a deal” (109). At the same time, Steve Waters, who left Shearson M&A and felt backstabbed by Hill, was in conversation at his new job at Morgan Stanley about stealing Johnson from Shearson M&A. Others pushed Johnson toward an LBO, while he remained concerned about the stock prices and still hoped to pursue Pillsbury. The latter failed, as did a deal with Quaker Oats, whose CEO opposed smoking.
A 1988 New Jersey district court ruling in the case of Rose Cipollone, who died of lung cancer, put forth by her husband, ruled that there was no conspiracy on the part of the tobacco industry. The husband was awarded $400,000 in damages. R. J. Reynolds was not a party to this case, but “its fate was tied to that of its fellow tobacco companies” (112). Despite the court’s decision, RJR Nabisco’s stock did not increase. Meanwhile, the smokeless Premier cigarette “was flunking its taste tests,” and was hard for the smoker to draw on (111). It would have also taken years to rectify other issues, such as the carbon tips that fell off. It was promised for release in 1988 but would not be ready until 1990-1991. Johnson had the guests try out Premier at the Castle Pines golf club in Colorado on one occasion. They criticized the invention for its smell but praised it from a technological standpoint.
Business Week questioned RJR Nabisco’s falling stock price and Johnson’s love of luxury at the expense of his ability to run the company effectively. Some in his circle believed that Johnson was “becoming America’s most out-of-touch marketing man” (114). He was also bombarded with LBO ideas, while he “seemed curious about every possible scheme but LBO” (117). He even considered joining forces with competitor Philip Morris and combining their respective food businesses, Nabisco and General Foods, into a single publicly traded entity. When that proposal failed, Johnson continued discussing the legalities and mechanics of what would have been the largest LBO ever attempted, but “remained ambivalent” toward the idea” (122). Some, like the RJR Nabisco consultant Andy Sage, “didn’t enjoy seeing America’s great companies replace good, old-fashioned shareholder equity with bank debt” (122). When Johnson’s son fell into a coma after an accident, Johnson began thinking more seriously about the possibility of an LBO as a way to take his mind off the situation. At this time, Jeff “Mad Dog” Beck of Drexel Burnham Lambert Inc. contacted Henry Kravis of Kohlberg Kravis Roberts to discuss his suspicions about Johnson “preparing some kind of restructuring” (126).
Wall Street businessman Henry Kravis and his second wife, fashion designer Carolyne Roehm, were “the prince and princess of the newly moneyed set dubbed ‘Nouvelle Society’” (129). In the 1980s, Kravis’s “rise on Wall Street had been swift” (129). It was the LBO wave that allowed him to attain prominence. Kravis’s father, an immigrant from England, got rich in the 1920s and lost it all in the 1929 stock market crash. Kravis worked entry level jobs at Goldman Sachs in the summers when he was in college. He then attended the Columbia Business School “with an undistinguished record of Bs and Cs,” while working for the Madison Fund (131).
After graduation, Kravis worked at the brokerage firm Fahaerty & Swartwood for a year before starting to work for Bear Stearns. Kravis replaced his cousin, George Roberts, who relocated to the company’s San Francisco office. At 21, Roberts started working for Bear Stearns, a “cutthroat place” where he developed a friendship with Jerome Kohlberg, the head of the finance department (132). After Roberts’s departure, Kohlberg made Kravis his protégé.
Leveraged buyouts “began as a kind of aid to the elderly” (133). They were the “missing link” between companies remaining private, selling public shares, or selling to a bigger company as a way “to retain control of their firms,” while looking “for ways to avoid estate taxes” (133). Kohlberg’s first LBO took place in 1965 with the dental company Stern Metals, earning a significant return on investment. The high risk that came with the LBO financing model could sometimes be a spur to improvements in the business: “Because he borrowed heavily to buy companies, getting a fix on future earnings and cash flows was crucial if Kohlberg was to avoid having his loans called” (134). Companies became more efficient, and the “result was usually worth more than when he bought it” (134).
Unable to “set up a freestanding LBO group within Bear Stearns,” Kohlberg, Roberts, and Kravis announced their intention to leave the firm, as “things got nasty” (137). Bear Stearns attempted to “retain control of all Kohlberg’s deals, even though the three had millions of their own money sunk into them” (138). Kohlberg Kravis Roberts & Co (KKR) was born. Initially, “the deals were always friendly, always with management, always careful,” but came inconsistently (138).
Things changed in the early 1980s when KKR started doing more deals and receiving more media attention, as “the trio finetuned its craft” (139). Suddenly, “this ‘LBO thing’” started getting everyone’s attention on Wall Street (139). The number of LBOs grew significantly in the first half of the 1980s. LBOs “got off the ground” because the Internal Revenue Code made interest, rather than dividends, deductible from income that was subject to taxation, “What made them soar was junk bonds”—high-risk securities used to raise large quantities of capital quickly (140). By using junk bonds, “LBO buyers, once thought too slow to complete in a takeover battle, were able to mount split-second tender offers” (141). Firms like KKR became “white knights” saving companies attacked by raiders, “It was a symbiotic relationship repeated in deal after deal: raider seeks target; target seeks LBO; and raider, target, and LBO firm all profit from the outcome” (141). At the same time, some in business and government worried that LBOs might lead to more bankruptcies.
In 1984, Kohlberg had surgery to remove a blood clot in his brain and was unable to maintain the same workload. At the same time, Kohlberg and Kravis maintained very different lifestyles. Kohlberg was a homebody who was not changed by money, while Kravis “lived for the lush life” (144). Kohlberg did not like the “bad image” of nightly black-tie functions with the likes of Donald Trump. In turn, Roberts and Kravis thought that “Kohlberg wanted too much of both” money and power (144). Because of all these issues, Kohlberg left the firm in 1987 and founded his own Kohlberg & Co. with his son. In 1987, KKR decided to pursue megadeals to stand out from the crowd. However, in the wake of the stock market crash, some new deals continued to fail. It was then that Kravis started looking into Nabisco.
Carolyne Roehm (Jane Smith) started working for designer Oscar de la Renta after graduation from fashion school. She changed her name to her real first name, Carolyne, and got her last name from Axel Roehm to whom she was briefly married. In 1979, she met Kravis, but it was “not a storybook love affair” (146). Prior to marriage, Roehm and Kravis became business partners as Kravis invested in her design business. Their wedding was “one of the ‘twenty weddings of the century since 1980’” according to GQ. The pair was rich—between $200-350 million—but continued to work long hours.
Peter Cohen, of Shearson Mergers & Acquisitions, was the son of a clothing manufacturer in New York state. He graduated from Ohio State and Columbia Business School. By the time he was in his late twenties, he had two children. In 1984, supported by “the tremendous firepower of American Express,” Cohen bought Lehman Brothers Kuhn Loeb investment bank for Shearson. In the mid-1980s, Shearson pursued LBOs. Its Sheller-Globe deal landed Shearson executives under an insider trading investigation carried out by the Securities and Exchange Commission, “a tough introduction to LBOs” (156). In 1986, the firm hired Daniel Good, whose clients were corporate raiders. Some considered him “a glorified shakedown artist” (157). Good was responsible for the successful 1986 raid of Hammermill Paper, which netted Shearson $6 million in fees.
At this time, Ross Johnson began to consider an LBO—a possibility he had previously rejected. If the LBO happened, it would be the largest in history, and getting the deal would put Shearson “into the top ranks of merchant banking firms” with many “residual benefits,” such as reviving “Cohen’s moribund junk-bond department” (160). The fees would be massive and would come in for years. For the meeting with Shearson, Johnson brought along Horrigan, Sage, Henderson, and a Wall Street lawyer, Steven Goldstone from Davis, Polk & Wardwell.
The RJR Nabisco group knew the LBO process well. Typically, “central to the success of most LBOs is a ruse known as the ‘gun-to-the-head’ strategy” (162). The latter involves keeping the process secret until the deal is clear, then presenting the bid “as a take-it-or-leave-it proposal” by the chief executive to the board (162). However, Johnson wanted to change this standard strategy and approach the board to avoid “its wrath” (163). The Shearson group did not like Johnson’s approach but had no other choice. One of the biggest points of contention is that Johnson wanted to maintain control of the board as well as the power to veto strategic decisions and run the company as he liked. Shearson also feared that Kravis’s KKR was the only firm with “the combination of power, confidence, and money to mount a serious counterbid” (163). Another issue was whether there was enough LBO money in the world “that could be committed to a single buyout” (168). Shearson calculated its total potential availability to be $21 billion.
The negotiations between Johnson’s men and Shearson were more than tough. The former made the latter believe that they “stood ready to scrap the whole project, or, worse, take it to another investment bank” if they did not get their way (171). Shearson conceded a number of issues, like allowing Johnson to control most of the board and paying Johnson’s taxes. In Johnson’s view, “every negotiation was a fight,” and the proceedings were to be expected (173). Peter Atkins, a top security lawyer, was to represent the board. At this time, in contrast to RJR Nabisco’s plans, Philip Morris initiated a tender offer for Kraft, as “Hamish Maxwell had chosen to expand his empire rather than dismantle it” (176). As the negotiations stalled, Cohen and Johnson had a two-hour phone call late one evening in which “Cohen capitulated to virtually every demand” (179):
Typed up by Sage’s secretary that night, the management agreement gave Johnson’s seven-man group 8.5 percent of the equity, complete with a tax-compensated loan from Shearson. If Johnson hit all his “bogeys,” the group’s stake could easily march up to 18.5 percent. The package’s total value could go as high as $2.5 billion in the coming years. Johnson was free to divvy up his share of the pot as he chose; his personal 1 percent share—Horrigan also took 1 percent—could be worth as much as $100 million in five years, according to Steve Goldstone (179).
The agreement could be renegotiated should the share price exceed $75. The result “was unlike any major LBO agreement ever signed” (179).
These chapters continue to establish the context for the RJR Nabisco bidding war. This context involves the general situation on Wall Street in the 1980s, and the biographies and the character of other major players, such as Henry Kravis. This information, in turn, helps Burrough and Helyar to develop their themes of Corporate Excess and Wall Street Greed in 1980s America and the importance of The Human Factor in Business in the corporate world and Wall Street.
The authors portray Wall Street in the 1980s as a place of excessive risk-taking and even illegality. The 1986 Ivan Boesky insider trading scandal led to media publicity and a national discussion about Wall Street’s increasing reliance on the debt-based LBO format. Considering the significant impact that such financial crises have on the national economy, these debates were noteworthy. A secondary interest of the book, which grew out of The Wall Street Journal’s coverage of the RJR Nabisco story, lies in considering the role of media in shaping public opinion. The 1987 stock market crash proved some of Wall Street’s critics right about its questionable practices. These practices pointed to the changing nature of Wall Street. In the past, Wall Street firms established long-term relationships and even friendships with their corporate clients. In the 1980s, the authors suggest, a different type of banker rose: those who had no allegiance to anyone except, perhaps, their employer, and their wallet. This general atmosphere exacerbated the aggressive bidding war for the right to undertake the RJR Nabisco LBO.
The subject of greed emerges in these chapters in several ways. First, the authors describe the luxurious lifestyles of corporate leaders like Ross Johnson and key Wall Street players like Henry Kravis. Both men subscribed to the “work hard, play hard” concept, mingled with celebrities, and threw lavish parties. For instance, “[RJR Nabisco executive VP John] Martin was Johnson’s pimp for celebrities” (113). Another example is Johnson’s outrageous management agreement, which was meant to benefit him and his people financially rather than ensuring long-term well-being of the company, the stockholders, and the thousands of employees. That said, the authors’ approach to Johnson’s greed is more nuanced. While many perceived the management agreement as motivated solely by greed, the authors point out that “it was more complicated than that”; Johnson was a man who got bored easily and craved action and change (169). Here, again, the book emphasizes The Human Factor in Business: the degree to which massively consequential decisions come down to individual personalities. Furthermore, Johnson’s interest in the LBO developed gradually. The authors present it as part of the rising action in their narrative. They refer to this developing interest as “the beginning of Johnson’s road to ruin,” foreshadowing the failure of Johnson’s management group in the final chapter (103).
As in the previous set of chapters, the authors interweave business history with biography. They consider the biographies and characters of the key players to have a significant impact on the development of the RJR Nabisco buyout. Here, they focus on Henry Kravis, the winner of the bidding war, whom they describe as an enigmatic, hardworking, systematic, and ruthless businessman with a taste for finer things in life, as his second marriage to a fashion designer indicates. Kravis’s personality, specifically his need to be in control, helped shape the aggressive nature of the bidding war. In turn, Kravis’s biography helps the reader understand Kravis’s anger at the fact that, by the mid-1980s, everyone on Wall Street wanted to pursue LBOs in a way that he had painstakingly developed.