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Bronislaw MalinowskiArgonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea (1922)
Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1922A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Themes
Scientific Ethnography Requires Intensive, Rigorous, Fact-Oriented Fieldwork
Argonauts is best remembered for its contributions to ethnographic methodology, which is one of the central themes of the book. As Malinowski reminds us throughout the monograph, particularly in the Introduction, for ethnology to reveal truths about a culture, it must be practiced as a science. This must occur through objective methods, like synoptic tables and charts. This was not enough, however, and Malinowski attempted to also record the mentality of the natives by documenting the typical emotions and attitudes toward aspects of life and society.
Malinowski emphasizes the importance of cultural immersion for valuable scientific ethnography. Prior to his work, most anthropological research was done through secondhand data or at best through limited interaction with the studied people, through rigid interviews and usually through a translator. For Malinowski, this kind of research fed into existing biases, because the ethnographer could choose the aspects of society that most interested him—often the “exotic” or “bizarre”—rather than experiencing the whole of daily life. Malinowski writes about this kind of ethnographer as a “collector” of curios seeking material for a museum, one who sifts through a culture until he finds what he wants rather than patiently seeking the truth through observation.
In contrast, Malinowski lived among his informants for several years and got into the rhythms of their life. He also witnessed mundane, everyday life as the Trobrianders grew accustomed to his presence, which he meticulously observed and recorded.
At the heart of Malinowski’s methodology is his reverent attitude toward science as the means to access truth. Ethnology must be practiced as a science and observe the same basic rules that an experiment in, say, physics would observe—it must be explicit in its methods to ensure reproducibility, and it must be acquainted with but not blinded by the latest theories about its subject. So too must ethnography attempt to situate the facts discovered through fieldwork into theory, but only with caution.
Argonauts includes countless examples of this fact-oriented approach, and the monograph as a whole can be seen as a good example of how to execute ethnography in the manner that Malinowski advocates. Examples of ethnographic data include the chart of events related to the Kula, translation and explanations of Kula spells, and play-by-play accounts of canoe building. As with research in natural science, Malinowski gives analysis and explanation of the practices he observes only once he has gathered ample data and sufficiently understood the context.
The Power of Myth and Magic in Trobriand Society
A core aspect of Trobriand society is the deep belief in the power of magic, which pervades everyday life. Malinowski characterizes magic as a binding force in Trobriand society, functioning as a mechanism of social cohesion. As Malinowski demonstrates through his detailed descriptions of spells, rituals, and magical ceremonies, nearly every aspect of Trobriand life has an accompanying magic.
From a functionalist perspective, magic can be viewed as a “glue” that regularizes activity and binds it to custom. For instance, in Chapter 5 magic helps direct the labor needed to build a canoe. The building expert is seen as a natural authority because of the magic he knows. The same is true in the case of gardening, where the garden expert initiates the stages of gardening with the associated magical rites.
Myth and magic reinforce each other. Myth grounds magical practices in tradition, while magic makes frequent reference to myth. As Malinowski explains, “myth possesses the normative power of fixing custom, of sanctioning modes of behaviour, of giving dignity and importance to an institution” (252). If, for example, a character in a myth builds a canoe with magic, and the magic instills great power, the Trobrianders would never consider deviating from this norm. In myth we often see the importance of magic in achieving great things, like imparting speed and even the power of flight onto a canoe. In the Kula myth forms the origin of “rules of commercial honour, of generosity and punctiliousness in all its operations” (252). Because the mythic past is thought of as a time when stronger magic was known, natives look backward in time for norms, morals, and the correct ways of doing things. For this reason, customs are generally quite stable in Trobriand society.
Magic also gives social power and distinction and is often tied to sociological categories. Certain clans have exclusive access to some kinds of magic, while bwaga’u (sorcerers) know black magic that can greatly harm a person. Some magic can be purchased and sold, and some is reserved for the toliwaga or other figures of authority.
Malinowski’s heavy treatment of myth and magic bears testimony to its importance and pervasiveness in Trobriand society. He considers the spells to be an extremely rich source of ethnographic data, so much so that he believes they give a direct pathway into the “mind of the native.” For him, spells are the “crystallization” of myth and are therefore extremely interesting documents to analyze.
The Kula as Both a Novel and Familiar Kind of Exchange
The Kula is presented as a peculiar form of exchange that in some ways resists easy classification, yet it bears subtle similarity to many forms of exchange and institutions that the reader is already familiar with. The tension between the familiar and the novel is key to Malinowski’s classification of the Kula.
The Kula valuables themselves, when examined, are also similar to objects we are familiar with. The vaygu’a exchanged in the Kula are not often worn but are decorative and “possessed for the sake of possession itself” (68). Malinowski compares them to the British crown jewels, as outsized heirlooms that have little utilitarian value but are laden with meaning and status, which is amplified by the fact that they have passed through the hands of important people. Malinowski emphasizes that these kinds of goods are defined by the same kind of attitude. The notion that ownership confers social status should not be unfamiliar either. In Western culture one needn’t look far to see that displays of wealth through cars, expensive clothes, or large houses confer social status.
The ownership structure of the Kula valuables, however, is novel and unfamiliar. Unlike gifts exchanged in Western culture, the valuable must be given away; what’s more, this must occur in a specific geographical direction and within a fixed amount of time. Kula valuables are essentially communal property with a temporary right to ownership. The size and complexity of the institution, the minute rules that govern it, and the fact that so much of life revolves around preparations and execution of the Kula are also novel aspects.
Despite this novelty, that is it so deeply embedded in the culture and so widespread indicates to Malinowski that the Kula cannot be unique in the world. He even proposes that it may represent a “fundamental type of human activity” (405). We should be on the lookout for institutions that share the ideas of the Kula, including aspects like the temporary ownership structure.
