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Chapter 5 shifts to the northeast, where the English, Dutch, and French established colonies in what is now Canada and Acadia. While the Spanish dominated the land and trade routes to the south, the north remained open but did not have a good growing season for tropical crops. Furs, on the other hand, could be hunted year-round and were in high demand in Europe (94).
The logistics of the fur trade explain key differences in how natives were treated in the north versus the south. First, it was more profitable to allow Indians to do the hard work of obtaining and processing furs than to enslave them for other purposes (94). This led to a more equitable playing field between Europeans and Indians, and in turn a complex mutual dependency, as “the Canadian French could not afford to bully, dispossess, or enslave the Indians, needing them instead to persist as suppliers of furs” (101). Second, as the European traders preferred to keep their own numbers low for profitability, they depended on the goodwill of their Indian allies to avoid being killed by their enemies (92; 101).
For the Indians, the utility of European goods (metal tools, guns, etc.) led to the abandoning of traditional stone tools and the knowledge needed to create them, meaning the Indians would need to continue trading with the Europeans or face starvation or annihilation by their better-armed enemies (97). The demand for furs caused the Indians to discard the tenets of animism, increasing their hunting and straining the environment. Beaver populations plummeted. Cultural groups began to infringe on each other’s territories in search of more pelts, with a cascading effect of intensifying conflict in the region (98).
The primary conflict was between the Hurons, who functioned as middlemen in the fur trade (aided by Samuel de Champlain and the French settled in the St. Lawrence Valley) and the Five Nation Iroquois (allied with the Dutch and Henry Hudson, an English mariner employed by the Dutch in the Hudson Valley). The Iroquois Five Nations waged relentless wars against each other in the 15th century but had been recently united by a prophet, Deganawida, and his disciple Hiawatha. The Iroquois collective was called the Great League of Peace and Power, which “in effect […] functioned as a pact of mutual non-aggression” (103). While the Huron enjoyed early victories, the tides shifted after 1610 due to the Iroquois’ strength as warriors and their cultural practice of mourning war, which demanded sacrificial victims and domestic captives to replace deceased Iroquois (102-3). As a result of this relentless system of capture and assimilation, by 1650 the Huron and their allies were essentially destroyed or absorbed into Iroquois villages. Though the adoptees were given Iroquois names and, in theory, able to live freely as Iroquois, they often retained their own cultural practices and identities, making this an uneasy system at best.
Though the result of European colonization here was arguably less catastrophic than in the south, native cultures were still cataclysmically changed. The effects of disease and conflict dissolved many cultural groups and forced new, often uncomfortable ones with the survivors (another example of ethnogenesis).
As the Spanish failures to push north in Chapter 4 explained why the Spanish largely remained confined to the south, Chapter 5 situates the French firmly in the north, leaving the Atlantic seaboard open for colonization by the English and Dutch.
Colonizers, Taylor has argued, were uniformly cruel to natives to the extent that their power allowed. But initially Canada was owned by fur-trading businesses, not the Crown. Profits could be maximized with fewer employees, which paradoxically weakened the French position overall. In this early period the colonists simply did not have the muscle to brutalize the natives. Fifteenth- and 16th-century Canada, then, offers a novel situation in the Americas: a (roughly) equal playing field between Europeans and Indians.
Taylor attributes this equal playing field to mutual dependency, his nuanced version of the oversimplified “dependency theory.” Previously, historians had disagreed on whom this arrangement in Canada benefited more: the colonizers, who still possessed superior technology, or the Indians, who could hypothetically return to their stone tools at any time and abandon the fur trade completely. Taylor argues that there are truths to both arguments, but each side was irreversibly reliant on the other (92).
If we accept Taylor’s theory of mutuality, it is notable that even when on equal footing, Europeans simply could not or would not recognize the Indians as equals. Thinking of the locals as perpetual children, they were surprised when the natives began driving hard bargains. From the Indian perspective, the French were simply another tribe to negotiate with—a tribe that seemed uniquely unaware of what was valuable in the dense forests of the north. As one Montagnais said, “The English have no sense; they give us twenty knives like this for one beaver skin” (96).