logo

48 pages 1 hour read

Jeanne Theoharis

A More Beautiful and Terrible History: The Uses and Misuses of Civil Rights History

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2018

A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.

Themes

The Discomfort of Reassessing Civil Rights History

A More Beautiful and Terrible History argues for the reexamination of the civil rights era. Theoharis not only explores what misinformation has spread since the movement but also why certain narratives emerged and others were erased by politicians, journalists, and other commentators. Among her essential points throughout the book is that taking an honest look at history can be uncomfortable and unsettle a status quo that benefits some demographics at the expense of others. Those who profit from an inequitable system must be willing to examine their own biases, privilege, and complacency if they are to honestly reckon with the past and are genuinely committed to racial equality moving forward.

Martin Luther King Jr. discussed willful ignorance, describing a “fantasy of self-deception and comfortable vanity” among white Americans who “[considered] themselves sincerely committed to justice” (122). White commentators in ostensibly liberal cities deflected confrontation over their own racism through diversionary conversations about busing, community control, neighborhoods, and other coded language. Theoharis explains that “silences are comfortable” (122); people avoid the work of true reckoning when a problem remains hidden and perpetrators avoid accountability.

Silences also uphold the status quo beyond a single category of racial inequality. Theoharis explains at length, especially in later chapters, the extent to which women and young people activists championed civil rights, though “great man history” has taken precedent in American historical memory. American students, particularly of prior generations, are likely to be comfortably familiar with historical narratives that celebrate powerful or socially influential individuals—and these figures are disproportionately white men. With these heroic images in mind, it may be uncomfortable not only to revisit the details of their stories but also to acknowledge the huge role that Black women—discriminated against for their race and their sex—played in shaping history. In a society devoid of racism and sexism, such an admission would not be uncomfortable. Theoharis outlines many, many examples of how racist and sexist American society persists long after the civil rights movement. She calls on readers to endure discomfort so the truth can be heard and honored. 

Racism’s Persistence Beyond the Civil Rights Era

One of the most dangerous elements of what the author calls the American “fable” of civil rights is the idea that the movement very nearly solved anti-Black racism by eradicating the sources of social inequality and providing the necessary legislation and social change. If people believe that the civil rights movement’s core issues have been more or less resolved, any further attempts to fight for equality seem irrelevant and unreasonable, especially as modern activists highlight so many of the same issues as in the 1950s and 1960s. To truly address systemic racial inequality, people must understand its long history, including not only the movement’s achievements but also its many barriers.

Acknowledging the United States’ continuing racism involves understanding prejudice’s varied expressions over time. For example, it is no longer socially acceptable among Southern white politicians to be openly segregationist. Those wanting to promote white supremacy now speak in cloaked language similar to what Northern media utilized during the civil rights movement—a strategy that skirts blame and protects the status quo:

Recognizing the centrality of polite racism—of silence, coded language,
and the demonization of dissent; the leveraging of bureaucracy and political
power; and the use of cultural explanations to account for disparities—also
reveals the enduring use of these strategies in maintaining racial inequalities
from the civil rights era to the present (98).

These direct statements about historically entrenched patterns often preface or conclude the chapters. The connection between the past and the present underpins the book’s central argument that the “enduring use of these strategies” (98) must be addressed before genuine racial equality is possible.

Intersectional Perspectives’ Importance to Understanding Structural Inequality

The civil rights movement is typically understood to have been focused mostly on desegregating public facilities and altering attitudes about multiracial coexistence. While the movement focused on racial inequality, it had many more dimensions and critically examined structural inequality, in the US and worldwide, and its intersecting societal factors.

One of the movement’s most obvious intersectional elements was its connection to economic justice. Martin Luther King Jr. was working to launch a Poor People’s Campaign when he was assassinated in 1968, and civil rights leaders in the 21st century talk about reinvigorating that effort (211). The March on Washington, memorialized by the inspirational “I Have a Dream” speech, was fully entitled the “March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom” and featured a program for demanding economic justice for the nation’s Black and low-income communities. Racist societal structures—everything from hiring discrimination to restricted access to education—had long created disproportionate poverty among African Americans, although others also stood to benefit from this civil rights activism.

Religion was also central to mainstream activism. King was a reverend and established the SCLC—the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Biblical and religious rhetoric were regular fixtures of civil rights speeches and publications, and many African Americans were practicing Christians. Many white Christians attended the March on Washington, recruited mainly by Anna Arnold Hedgeman (166). The Nation of Islam, a Muslim activist group, also became prominent (and controversial) in a wing of the movement.

One of the most important intersections discussed in the book is that of racism and sexism. Women activists’ value cannot be overstated, yet they faced discrimination and have been misremembered. Civil rights lawyer Pauli Murray coined the term “Jane Crow” to describe the unique double-discrimination that Southern Black women faced by virtue of their race and gender (167). Murray, Scott King, Parks, and others protested their suppression by Black men in the movement.

Understanding these complexities and their ramifications would not only correct misconceptions about the civil rights movement but also allow more fruitful discussions about the prejudice that fundamentally shapes society.

blurred text
blurred text
blurred text
blurred text